• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.32
• /
• pp.103-128
• /
• 2008

King Jeongjo had lost his father, Sado-Seja(Prince Sado) by Noron(Older Faction). Especially those who tried to kill Sado-Seja and king Jeongjo consisted of king's family-in-law of king Youngjo and Sado-Seja. Therefore king Jeongjo's first goal was to strengthen his kingship than other things because he could gain the throne overcoming the strong hinderance of Noron and king's family-in-law. King Jeongjo requested his subjects to be "Kukbyon-In"(國邊人: a person for king) pointing out the harm of the king's family-in-law and "Tangpyong-Dang"(蕩平黨: the strongest faction consisted under the rule of king Youngjo). For the purpose, king Jeongjo built up "Gyujang-Gak". Gyujang-Gak was spoken to contain and protect the writings of earlier kings superficially, but in reality, it was an apparatus to gain and train the friendly subjects for king Jeongjo. Like that, it was the most important for king Jeongjo to suppress the king's family-in-low and to win Neo-Confucian lterati over to himself's side. Until now, the politics of Joseon Dynasty had been mainly explained on the point of view of "Seonghak-Non"(聖學論). "Seonghak-Non" means that Neo-Confucian lterati were treated as real hero, not kings in the political space of Joseon Dynasty and the role of factions were recognized important. But king Jeongjo denied these ideological stream and tried to change that political system. King Jeongjo wanted to strengthen the throne through the method which insisted the king as a hero in politics. For the purpose, king Jeongjo criticized the Neo-Confucian literati's viewpoint about politics and learning at that time and anticipated to be sole leader of politics and learning on that critique. King Jeongjo aimed to destroy the dignity of "Salim"(山林: Neo-Confucian Sages) with attacking their wrong behaviors. King Jeongjo also criticized the period of king Injo when the regime of "Sarim"(士林: pure Neo-Confucian lterati) faction fully appeared as the starting period when the factional harms were getting worse. King Jeongjo wanted to previously block the oppositions to win subjects over to himself's side with criticizing the period of king Injo and to take away the initiative from his opponents with insisting "Salim-Muyongnon"(山林無用論: a theory ignoring Neo-Confucian Sages). King Jeongjo's critique was not limited just on the system of factional politics. "Seonghak-Non" eventually took root in Neo-Confucianism. Therefore king Jeongjo criticized Neo-Confucianism. He insisted that the essence of Chinese Classics was pragmatical learning, not Neo-Confucianism. Through that critique, king Jeongjo aimed to destroy the ideological base of his opponents. However, king Jeongjo failed to be a sole leader of his subjects in the both boundaries of politics and learning even though he criticized the Neo-Confucian lterati's viewpoint about politics and learning. Because he abruptly died leaving his reformational scheme behind as well as his loyal subjects guarding himself against Noron Byeok-Pa(老論 ?派: the opposing party in Older Faction) were gone behind himself. The politics of Joseon Dynasty returned to more powerful politics for king's family-in-law after king Jeongjo's death.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
• /
• v.21 no.4
• /
• pp.207-224
• /
• 2008

This study attempts to illuminate Ijema's philosophy of Four-Constitution as a new political theory of human beings as it has been regarded as the philosophy of Body-Politics and Life World[Body-Community], the notion of which was formulated quite uniquely according to the doctrine of Post-Juhi(朱子) in Joseon(朝鮮) dynasty. The philosophy of Four-Constitution was the result of succession of and reflection upon a long tradition; since the crisis aroused of Confucianism as a pragmatic science and a pure theory of science, after having collided with the science of the west, Ijema as a Confucian scholar and a oriental medicine struck upon and opened a new way to a discursive solution, the philosophy of Four-Constitution as Body Politics and Life World of New Paradigm by reconsidering the fundamental spirit and ideology of the doctrine of confucian tradition.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.18 no.7
• /
• pp.253-261
• /
• 2018

The purpose of this study is to find the theories of public policy in Confucian politics during Choson Dynasty. As a result of the analysis, there are five implications. First, the area of Confucian policy of Choson consisted in authority, organization, financial policy, affection for the people, and li(ritual propriety). Second, major political context had been maintained from King Se-Jong, through King Sung-Jong and King Yeong-Jo to King Jeong-Jo in the perspective of dynasties' characteristic. Third, there were major ideas on Confucius's idea for li in early period, $Zh{\bar{u}}z{\check{i}}^{\prime}s$ idea for the authority in late period and Mencius's idea for financial policy in major risk situation. Fourth, there were five periods with establishment, foundation, crisis, restoration and collapse in the change of public policy. Fifth, $Zh{\bar{u}}z{\check{i}}^{\prime}$ and $Ch{\acute{e}}ng{\cdot}zi$ had influenced bigger than Confucius as a factors of policy making. This study has been promoted the complement of context analysis and understanding of semantic analysis with implementing dictionary using two language with Korean and Chinese.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.27
• /
• pp.469-496
• /
• 2009

Ding Shihan(styled Yutan; 丁時翰, 愚潭) was famous for his four-seven differentiation(四七辨證) on the area of neo-Confucianism. Yet few comments and criticism were made on his poetry, for rarely of which was handed down from generations. Hence there is a mystry on his talent in terms of poetics. Noted by Zhou Dunyi(styled Lianxi; 周敦頤, 濂溪) and Zhuxi(styled Hui'an; 朱熹, 晦庵) in Song Dynasty, most of neo-Confucianism scholars after them were expert at intoning and thus formed the poetic school of "Elegance of Lian-Luo"(濂洛風雅). Therefore, there is also a mystry on how his poetry related to his works of neo-Cunfucianism. During his whole life, Ding never involved himself in politics as an official. He read Confucian classics a lot, and was also proficient in classics of Buddhism and Taoism. In addition, he was fond of travelling in nature. A superfical conclustion is made based on these situation that his thoughts was closely linked with Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism. Therefore, it is worth elaborating whether his thoughts belonged to Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism, and whether he was a pure Confucian( 醇儒) through his whole life.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
• /
• v.6 no.1
• /
• pp.35-45
• /
• 1998

Confucianism, the dominating thought in the Choson Dynasty, considered the congruence of scholar and bureaucrat as principle of royal politics, so it was the important affairs to educate and select scholars who excelled in Confucian science and its historical view. The process to educate and select the scholars in accordance with the spirit of Confucianism was called the civil service examination. In this study, we examined the dress and its ornaments of the Confucian students nd that of the successful candidate related to the system of the civil service examination, and focused on the literatures and figures. The Choson Dynasty looked upon the education as important and Confucian scholars and the successful candidate had the superior position in that society. The seems to have been the demarcation between the dress and its ornaments worn by the candidate and the successful candidate. According to the inquiry of the literatures and figures, the candidate is thought to have worn yuguhn(儒巾) or bokkuhn(幅巾) with chongsam(靑衫), nansam( 衫), jikryung(直領) and the successful candidate is thought to have worn bokduh( 頭) with easahwa(御史花), aengsam(鶯衫), danryung(團領) in the Choson Dynasty.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.59
• /
• pp.297-324
• /
• 2015

This article discusses Dasan Cheong Yagyong(1762-1836)'s perspectives on The Book of historical documents("書經"). Dasan Cheong Yagyong considered The Shoo King as The Book of historical documents presented Ideas of Confucian Politics in ancient China. Many Scholar and Kings dispersed and re-edition The Shoo King as historical documents. Dasan Cheong Yagyong analyzed, de-constructed, and reinterpretations documents of dominant The Shoo King. Dasan Cheong Yagyong tried to recover the original documents The Shoo King. Dasan Cheong Yagyong collected dispersed material of The Shoo King, and complied the original documents. Dasan Cheong Yagyong wrote four book of The Shoo King. Dasan want to reconstruct the new theory by these reinterpretations of The Book of historical documents presented Ideas of Confucian Politics in ancient China, and to open new era.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.67
• /
• pp.237-258
• /
• 2017

This study aims is consider the life and study viewpoint of Choi-Ja who lived in during the Musin regime of Koryo Dynasty. During this period, knowledge of the Confucian scriptures gradually generalized among scholars and writers. Therefore, it was possible to create an atmosphere that criticized sajanghak(詞章學). Choi-Ja regrets that people' reading style is not correct at the time. People are only trying to learn to participate in social exams and learn to read and write articles related to the Civil servant examination. Nevertheless, if he passed the Civil servant examination he criticized the government for failing to study harder, even though he had to work harder. Choi-Ja lamented that the intellectuals basically did not read about the Kyeongsabaekka(經史百家) and on the outward appearance. His scholarly attitude implies that he can be recognized as a genuine learningexperience when he forms the moral character of his inner self rather than his outward form. Choi-Ja' emphasis on six Confucian writings indicates that his virtues ere based on the Confucian spirit of Confucius. He pointed out the abuses of intellectuals at the time of his poems to build poems based on these Confucian traditions. He emphasized that the government ought to reflect on the Confucian scriptures and histories of the Confucian scriptures and reflect the politics of the people and improve the mood of the people.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.58
• /
• pp.139-160
• /
• 2018

'Gyeokmulchiji' (格物致知), coming to knowledge based on the investigation of things) is a starting point for any study and politics of Confucianism. Much emphasis was placed on the conception of 'Gyeokchi' as a root of every learning and adminstration in the early Joseon period. As Confucianism established itself as a salient value system of the government, a mighty change and paradigm shift happened in its governmental system which had depended upon Buddhism up to that time. Thus, Confucian statecraft also stood out. Daehakyeonui (大學衍義) was preached as a model of regal learning and politics in the governmental agon, and its conceptual starting point was 'Gyeokchi.' The various interpretations and arguments about this concept shows the process in which Zhu Xi NeoConfucianism was deepened into Neo-Confucianism of Joseon's own. This conception reached the essence of 'Li' beyond the problem of cognitive subject and object, and provided a watershed which divided Giho (畿湖) and Yeongnam (嶺南) schools. Confucian method of study, which incorporates knowledge and practice, has great implications for our times when there are many voices of concern over humanities. The enhancement of universities and humanities is much needed to adjust the direction and pace of scientific technology, which is now entirely left with the logic of market. Accordingly, it is quite urgent for us to examine our object of learning again, which should integrate 'Sugi' (修己, cultivating oneself) with 'Chi-in' (治人, governing others), and knowledge with practice.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
• /
• v.22 no.1
• /
• pp.135-150
• /
• 2016

This paper studied on the geographical distribution location arrangement and the social construction of Pungsu discourse and the Pungsu(Fengshui) management of royal tombs on the Joseon Dynasty from the historical, cultural geographical perspective. The Pungsu landscape of royal tombs during the Joseon dynasty was the direct result of the political dynamics among the king, his family, other royal families, and various groups of vassals. Pungsu was a important factor in deciding tomb sites or landscapes, but it was a secondary factor to politics in the Joseon Dynasty. The primary factor was politics, clearly showing Pungsu's status in social discourse. The royal tomb Pungsu is defined as the Pungsu discourse of the Joseon Dynasty period which is combined with Confucian ideology in Korean Pungsu history.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.36
• /
• pp.301-332
• /
• 2009

The 16 century Yulgok had lived have been evaluated as the golden age of Seonglihak(性理學) in Korea. However, on the contrary, excessively desperate was the real social and political situation which Yulgok had descirbed. Therefore, eventhhough the Seonglihak centered-reseach is meaningful, this research had the limitation in analyzing the politics in those times. In studying Yulgok's thought, the established researches had focused on philosophic theory centered-orientation. However escaping from that orientation, in this essay I try to restructure Yulgok's enlivened political experience that he had worldly seen, felt, heard and performed in 16th's real politics. While the established researches had absorbed in Kyeonghak(經學, the interpretaion of Confucian Cannon), I try to restore Kyeongse(經世, governing and managing the state) based on Yulgok's worldly political experience. The major concept on which I have focused is Pye(弊, the abnoxious custiom in political and official sphere). Yulgok's offical life had begun with the problematic of how to overcome Pye inherited by Kwongan(權奸, a politically villainous retainer). In the process, he had focused on the worldly performable issue, Minsaeng(民生, the livelihood of the people), not on the abstract and theoritical concept, Min(民, the people). He recognized the cause of desperate situation had resulted from Pyebeob(弊法, the obnoxious law, its system and its execution), and tried to reform Pyebeob in the various way. The next concern of Yulgok came to Pyejeong(弊政, the obnoxious politics, its system and its execution), which interrupted not to reform Pyebeob. According to Yulgok, Pyejeong resulted from the wrong fulfilment of official-scholar elite in government, and the distorted public opinion in governemt. This fact demonstrates two elements mentioned above had common root of the absence of communication of public opinion. Yulgok recognized the importance of Ui(議, the discussion) than of Ron(論, the dabate) and then reviving Ui, Yulgok had tried to arrange the foundation for the communication of public opinion in political sphere.