• International Commerce and Information Review
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• v.8 no.4
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• pp.159-175
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• 2006

This paper that explain exchange rate determination using Korea's economy data moment investigate whether each theory cause effect that is some on exchange rate showdown analyzing actual proof relation between foreign exchange fluctuation and financing part variance examine wish to. Because korea economic enters in the 1990s and the 2000s and the change is notable, foreign exchange fluctuation by such change is real condition that is changing. In this paper, I wish to enforce actual proof analysis if change such as him is grasped by form that is some about foreign exchange fluctuation. First, the second chapter investigates exchange rate decision theory that is used on actual proof interpretation, and executes actual proof Test in reply in subsequent the third chapter. And finally, the fourth chapter wishes to drive conclusion of this paper.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Computer Information Conference
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• 2017.07a
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• pp.180-183
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• 2017

우리나라 민법 제3조는 "사람은 생존하는 동안 권리와 의무의 주체가 된다"고 규정하고 있다. 이것은 출생이라는 근거에 의하여 자연인이 됨과 동시에 출생자에게 권리능력이 발생한다는 것을 의미하며, 또한 출생 전에는 태아는 권리능력이 없다는 의미로도 볼 수 있다. 그러나 이 원칙을 그대로 적용하면 태아 대한 불이익과 불평등은 필연적으로 우리사회의 법감정에도 반하는 것이 되기 때문에 여러 나라에서는 태아에게 미치게 되는 부분을 제대로 바로잡기 위하여 특별한 규정을 두고 있다. 이에 대해 우리나라도 태아에게 이롭지 못한 일이 일어나는 경우가 발생을 할 수 있게 때문에 민법에서 예외적인 사항을 두어 태아를 보호하기 위한 권리능력을 인정하는 규정을 두고 있다. 하지만 1958년 민법이 제정된 이후 태아의 권리능력에 관한 법률규정이나 해석이 크게 변화하지 못하여 태아를 보호함에 있어서 소홀할 수 있다는 문제점이 대두 되고 있는 것이 현실이다. 따라서 본 논문에서는 보다 태아를 적극적으로 보호할 수 있는 대책을 살펴보기 위하여 현재 우리나라제도에 대한 문제점은 검토하고, 국민의 법 감정과 정서에 맞는 가장 바람직한 태아의 권리보호방안을 제시하고자 한다.

• Journal of Powder Materials
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• v.5 no.2
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• pp.122-128
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• 1998

NiAl based ODS (Oxide Dispersion Strengthened) intermetallic alloys have been produced by mechanical alloying (MA) process and consolidated by hot extrusion. Subsequent thermomechanical treatments have been applied to induce secondary recrystallization in an attempt to improve creep resistance in this material. The creep behavior of secondary recrystallized MA NiAl has been investigated and compared with those of as-extruded condition. Minimum creep rate were shown to be approximately two orders of magnitude lower than that in as-extruded condition. The improvement in creep resistance is believed due to the grain coarsening, restricting of dispersoid coarsening as well as increase in grain aspect ratio. Creep threshold stress behavior, below which no measurable creep rate can be detected, has been discussed on the basis of particle-dislocation interaction theory. The threshold stress becomes negligible after secondary recrystallization in MA NiAl, presumably due to dispersoid coarsening and a decrease in grain boundary area during secondary recrystallization.

• Journal of the Korean Mathematical Society
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• v.35 no.4
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• pp.1045-1060
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• 1998

Recently, Chung and et al. ([11], 1991c) introduced a new concept of a manifold, denoted by ＊g-SE $X_{n}$ , in Einstein's n-dimensional ＊g-unified field theory. The manifold ＊g-SE $X_{n}$ is a generalized n-dimensional Riemannian manifold on which the differential geometric structure is imposed by the unified field tensor ＊ $g^{λν}$ through the SE-connection which is both Einstein and semi-symmetric. In this paper, they proved a necessary and sufficient condition for the unique existence of SE-connection and presented a beautiful and surveyable tensorial representation of the SE-connection in terms of the tensor ＊ $g^{λν}$. This paper is the first part of the following series of two papers: I. The SE-curvature tensor of ＊g-SE $X_{n}$ II. The contracted SE-curvature tensors of ＊g-SE $X_{n}$ In the present paper we investigate the properties of SE-curvature tensor of ＊g-SE $X_{n}$ , with main emphasis on the derivation of several useful generalized identities involving it. In our subsequent paper, we are concerned with contracted curvature tensors of ＊g-SE $X_{n}$ and several generalized identities involving them. In particular, we prove the first variation of the generalized Bianchi's identity in ＊g-SE $X_{n}$ , which has a great deal of useful physical applications.tions.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.224-307
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• 1998

The above study is based upon the Theory of Five Woon(Reasons) and Six Qi(Climates), namely Five dynamic Yin and Yang, the principle of five-six combination, the rules of ten periodically changing Woon and twelve periodically changing Qi, and its reference to the main chapters of the theory by several experts. After careful, comprehensive research and study, the followings are concluded. 1. The Theory of Five Woon and Six Qi controls all of the physical phenomena of the universe, yet it originates from Essence of the Sky that is replete and in constant motion within the abysmal expanse of the universe. So it is natural to claim that it is the Essence of the universe that is the source of the variety of phenomena in nature. 2. There is order of dynamics in the Essence and it is Yin Yang Five Movement and expressed by Five Woon and Six Qi. Therefore the Five Woon and Six Qi, which is the climatic changes of nature, is the basis and condition for all of the natural, physical occurrences including the organic phenomena of human beings. 3. Since the Sky embodied the number Five, and the Earth the number Six, Qi of the Sky itself is consequently Five Woon and Qi of the Earth itself is Six Qi. 4. In Sixty Repetition Intervals (Yuk Sip Kap Ja), the Sky took the number Six, designating the six times repetition of the ten Intervals of the Sky and the Earth chose the number Five, symbolizing five times recurrence of the twelve Intervals of the Earth. Though the number for the Sky is Five and the number for the Earth is Six, the two combine and interact in order for the Sky to exploit the number Six and for the Earth to use the number Five. This interplay implies the relationship of operation and principle of Yin in Yang and Yang in Yin. 5. There seems to be clear and intimate association between five dynamics, five bearings and five Qi' in nature and five organs, five stamina, and five emotions in physiological activities of human beings. Such an correlation apparently demonstrates the idea of climatic changes of the universe in balance among human beings, the Sky, and the Earth. 6. Because nature is of an endlessly dynamic organism itself, to have changes must mear there being movements. Thus the climatic changes in nature are the subsequent consummation of the interaction in mutual balance and unbalance of the rise and fall of the Five Woon and Six Qi. 7. The interpretation, by Chang Ji Chong of "Yin and Yang of the Sky are for birth and growth and Yin and Yang of the Earth for demise and interment" as an explanation that the first half is mainly for life and the second half for death, appears to be correct by his view that there is balance and harmony between the long and short and the strong and weak. 8. In addition to Three Yang and Three Yin, as attributes of the Intervals of the Sky and the twelve Intervals of the Earth, Five Woon and Six Qi are utilized in the annual observation of the perpetual changes of climates.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.23 no.6
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• pp.51-72
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• 2010

The Jeokseokji-uyeoryang-tang(赤石脂禹餘糧湯) text of "Sang-hanron(傷寒論)" is adopted in the chapter of So-eumin Interior Disease Pattern in "Dong-uisusebowon(東醫壽世保元)". In this study, I have attempted to analyze the Jeokseokji-uyeoryang-tang(赤石脂禹餘糧湯) texts for the purpose of understanding the So-eumin Interior Disease Pattern thoroughly. In specific, Ijema(李濟馬) stated that the Simhabigyeong(心下痞硬) symptom of the Jeokseokji-uyeoryang-tang(赤石脂禹餘糧湯) text is identical to the symptoms of other conditions that apply Sasimtang(瀉心湯). Which means that the disease pattern of Jeokseokji-uyeoryang-tang(赤石脂禹餘糧湯) is a intensified condition of that of Sasimtang(瀉心湯). Next, unlike Jang Jung-gyeong(張仲景) and other annotators of "Sang-hanron(傷寒論)", Ijema(李濟馬) did not perceive Ijungtang(理中湯) to manage the central cho(中焦). Instead, he perceived it appropriate for Tae-eumbyeong(太陰病_disease of Tae-eum), bringing the meaning of Jeokseokji-uyeoryang-tang(赤石脂禹餘糧湯) into the category of Sameumbyeong(三陰病_disease of the three eum). With this, he made it possible to compare and analyze the texts based on the Sameum/Samyang(三陰三陽) theory. Lastly, Ijema(李濟馬) perceived the symptoms of Jeokseokji-uyeoryang-tang(赤石脂禹餘糧湯) as So-eum pattern, and categorized it into Tae-eum pattern. Following this, a comprehensive review of Ijema(李濟馬)'s unique understanding of the Jeokseokji-uyeoryang-tang(赤石脂禹餘糧湯) text and its implications were discussed. This part is not included in this article, however, and will be exclusively dealt with in a subsequent article.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.50-80
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• 2021

This paper critically examines the history of the theories connected to the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda that have developed over the last 100 years focusing on the original number of stories the pagoda would have reached. Part II of this paper retraces the dynamic process of the rediscovery of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda by Westerners who traveled to Korea during the port-opening period. Koreans at the time viewed the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as an object of no particular appeal or even as an eyesore. However, Westerners appreciated it as a wonder or magnificent sight. Since these Westerners had almost no prior knowledge of Buddhist pagodas, they were able to write objective travelogues. At the time, these visitors generally accepted the theory common among Joseon intellectuals that Wongaksa Temple Pagoda once had thirteen stories. Part III focuses on Japanese government-affiliated scholars' academic research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda after the proclamation of the Korean Empire and the Japanese Government-General of Korea's subsequent management of the pagoda as a cultural property during the colonial era. It also discusses issues with Japanese academic research and management. In particular, this portion sheds light on the shift in theories about the original number of stories of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda from the ten-story theory supported by Sekino Tadashi (關野 貞), whose ideas have held a great influence on this issue over the last 100 years, to the thirteen-story theory and then to the idea that it had more than thirteen. Finally, Part IV addresses the change from the multi-story theory to the ten-story theory in the years after Korea's liberation from Japan until 1962. Moreover, it highlights how Korean intellectuals of the Japanese colonial era predominantly accepted the thirteen-story theory. Since 1962, a considerable quantity of significant research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has been published. However, since most of these studies have applied the ten-story theory suggested in 1962, they are not individually discussed in this paper. This retracing of the history of theories about the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has verified that although there are reasonable grounds for supporting the thirteen-story theory, it has not been proved in the last 100 years. Moreover, the number of pagoda stories has not been fully discussed in academia. The common theory that both Wongaksa Temple Pagoda and Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda were ten-story pagodas was first formulated by Sekino Tadashi 100 years ago. Since the abrasion of the Wongaksa Temple Stele was so severe the inscriptions on the stele were almost illegible, Sekino argued that the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda was a ten-story pagoda based on an architectural analysis of the then-current condition of the pagoda. Immediately after Sekino presented his argument, a woodblock-printed version of the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele was found. This version included a phrase that a thirteen-story pagoda had been erected. In a similar vein, the Dongguk yeoji seungnam (Geographic Encyclopedia of Korea) published by the orders of King Seongjong in the late fifteenth century documented that Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda, the model for the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda, was also a thirteen-story pagoda. The Wongaksa Temple Stele erected on the orders of King Sejo after the establishment of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda evidently shows that Sekino's ten-story premise is flawed. Sekino himself wrote that "as [the pagoda] consists of a three-story stereobate and a ten-story body, people call it a thirteen-story pagoda," although he viewed the number of stories of the pagoda body as that of the entire pagoda. The inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele also clearly indicate that the king ordered the construction of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. Although unprecedented, this thirteen-story pagoda comprised a ten-story pagoda body over a three-story stereobate. Why would King Sejo have built a thirteen-story pagoda in an unusual form consisting of a ten-story body on top of a three-story stereobate? In order to fully understand King Sejo's intention in building a thirteen-story pagoda, analyzing the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda is necessary. This begins with the restoration of its original name. I disprove Sekino's ten-story theory built upon flawed premises and an eclectic over-thirteen-story theory and urge applying the thirteen-story theory, as the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele stated that the pagoda was originally built as a thirteen-story pagoda.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.1
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• pp.109-144
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• 2003

Orientalness is a concept that expresses the collective identity of the Orient in relation to the West. The concept itself is mutable and defined by the relationship between the two regions at different points in time. Changes in the concept depend on a number of factors, such as cultural influence, the political balance of power between the two regions, and on the interpretative scheme that defines the relationship. In addition, the geographical notion of the concept evolves culturally, socially and politically. During this process, Oriental-ness becomes Oriental-ism at times. I will attempt to survey and measure the progression of Orientalness from its emergence in early 17th century to its subsequent transformation in modern Korea as reflected in art theory and art works. The recognition of the comparative characteristics of Oriental art began when the Orient was exposed to the art of the West in the late Ming dynasty during the early 17th century. The changes in the artistic climate in China affected the late Chosun. I will start with a brief introduction of this time and the birth of Orientalness. The concept gradually changed during the period of Enlightenment(開化期) towards the end of the 19th century, and during the colonial period( 1910-1945) it took on a new form. Establishment of the concept of "Orient"as a single, unifying concept spanning across cultures and national boundaries has been attributed to late Meiji period Japan, whose intention at that time is believed to have been to build a pan-Asia(亞細亞) empire with Japan at its commanding center. It has been stressed that the real motive behind the formation of one single cultural unit, where the shared common written language was Chinese and Confucianism and Taoism were the common metaphysical traditions, was to build one political unit. When the notion of a geographical unit of Asia was replaced by the concept of Asia as a cultural and political unit, a massive growth of interest and discourse were provoked around the concept of Orientalism. When Orientalism was being formulated, Korea automatically became member of "one Asia" when the country became colonized. For Koreans, the identity of the Orient had to be defined in cultural terms, as the political notion of a nation was non-existent at that time. The definition of identity was pursued at two levels, pan-Asian and local. If Orientalism was an elite discourse centered in pan-Asian philosophical and religious tradition, localized Orientalism was a popular discourse emphasizing locality as the byproduct of natural geographic condition. After the liberation in 1945 from colonial rule, a thrust of movement arose towards political nationalism. Two types of discourses on Orientalism, elite and popular, continued as central themes in art. Despite the effort to redefine the national identity by eradicating the cultural language of the colonial past, the past was enduring well into the present time. As discussed above, even when the painting themes were selected from Korean history, the tradition of using history painting as a manifestation of political policy to glorify the local identity had its founding during the Meiji period. The elevation of folk art to the level of high art also goes back to the colonial promotion of local color and local sentiment. Again, the succession of the past (colonial) ideal was defended as the tradition assumed a distinct modern shape that was abstract in style. The concept of the "Orient" is of relative and changing nature. It was formulated in relation to Western culture or civilization. Whatever the real motive of the adoption of them had been, the superiority of the Orient was emphasized at all times. The essence of the Orient was always perceived as the metaphysical tradition as a way to downgrade Western culture as materialistic. This view still prevails and the principle of Orient was always sought in Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism. Even when Orientalism was employed by imperialist Japan in an effort to establish her position as the center of the Orient, the spiritual source was still in Chinese philosophy and religion. In art also, the Chinese literati tradition became the major platform for elite discourse. Orientalism was also defined locally, and the so-called local color was pursued in terms of theme and style. Thus trend continued despite the effort to eradicate the remnants of colonial culture long after liberation. These efforts are now being supported politically and also institutionalized to become the aesthetic ideal of the modern Korean art.

• Korean Journal of Acupuncture
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• v.30 no.4
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• pp.252-263
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• 2013

Objectives : Skin color deformation by cupping has been widely used as a diagnostic parameter in Traditional Korean Medicine(TKM). Skin color deformation such as ecchymoses and purpura is induced by local vacuum in a suction cup. Since existing studies have relied on a visual diagnostic method, there is a need to use the quantitative measurement method. Methods : We conducted an analysis of cross-polarization photographic images to assess the changes in skin color deformation. The skin color variation was analyzed using $L^*a^*b^*$ space and the skin erythema index(E.I.). The meridian theory in TKM indicates that the condition of primary internal organs is closely related to the skin color deformation at special acupoints. Before conducting these studies, it is necessary to evaluate whether or not skin color deformation is influenced by muscle condition. Hence, we applied cupping at BL13, BL15, BL18, BL20 and BL23 at Bladder Meridian(BL) and measured blood lactate at every acupoint. Results : We confirmed the high system measurement accuracy, and observed the diverse skin color deformations. Moreover, we confirmed that the $L^*$, $a^*$ and E.I. had not changed after 40 minutes(p>0.05). The distribution of blood lactate levels at each part was observed differently. Blood lactate level and skin color deformation at each part was independent of each other. Conclusions : The negative pressure produced by the suction cup induces a reduction in the volumetric fraction of melanosomes and subsequent reduction in epidermal thickness. The relationship between variations of tissue and skin properties and skin color deformation degree must be investigated prior to considering the relationship between internal organ dysfunction and skin color deformation.