• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.56 no.2 s.101
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• pp.17-31
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• 2006

This study is tried to identify the changes in modern Hanbok for the past five decades through the literatures and actual materials such as the First Ladies' costume. In Hanbok fashion, there is a trend that influenced by politics, economy and culture just like in western fashion. After liberation from the Japanese colonialism, the most important factors in Hanbok fashion were economic factors caused by the development of textile industry and the dressing attitude of the First Ladies at that time. In 1950s, a modified Hanbok that is easy to wear was popular. It was partly because of the west oriented atmosphere after the Korean War and mainly due to the practical dressing attitude of First Lady, Francesca. In 1960s and 70s, former First Lady Yuk Young Soo who loved and had good taste for Hanbok led the fashion. At that time, high ranking female social leaders as well as general public usually wore Hanbok on formal occasions. Therefore, textile industry for Hanbok developed a lot and tailored shops that specialize Hanbok emerged. In 1980s, as the economy got better, Hanbok was upgraded and it became more luxurious. Traditional Hanbok was revived through a historical investigation. Additionally, the former First Lady Lee Soon Ja helped fostering a luxurious mood as she wore a Hanbok as a formal dress. After 1988 Olympic Games were successfully held, the importance of the traditional culture was emphasized in 1990s and Hanbok followed retro trend rigorously through the academic approaches including a dressing history. Hand painted and naturally dyed Hanboks were strong in this period. Former First Lady Kim Ok Sook's sophisticated Hanbok attire partially had effect on this mood. However, From the late 1990s Hanbok became less popular. It was partly because the former First Lady Son Myoung Sun and Lee Hee Ho preferred western style dresses and did not play a role as Hanbok fashion leaders.

• Journal of the Korean Society for information Management
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• v.32 no.3
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• pp.221-236
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• 2015

The purpose of this study is to analyze the research fields constituting the knowledge structure of the Korean Studies by applying hierarchical clustering method to domestic journal papers in Korean Studies. We analyzed 3,800 papers containing Korean author keyword that were listed in 14 kinds of Korean Studies journals published in 2004-2013, which have average impact factor more than 0.5 in 2011-2013. The results of the analysis show that the central research fields are the subjects related to political & social problems based on Confucian ideas focusing on Neo-Confucianism (Seonglihak) and Realist School of Confucianism (Silhak), to the political situation associated with territorial division of the Korean peninsula, and to the history from the period of japanese colonialism to modern and contemporary. It has been also found that the temporal backgrounds of researches in domestic Korean Studies were related to the modern times and the Joseon Dynasty periods, rather than the time of the ancient and contemporary.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.10 no.10
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• pp.152-160
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• 2010

Modern comics find their roots in caricatures, which have a basic element of comics as a combination of wrings and drawings. In three East Asian countries, new media, comics have been developed by joining modern arts and cartoons which is a news form of western comics. As modern comics have evolved according to situations of the three countries, they expand from the satire on the system, foreign invasions, and internal corruption to the enlightenment of the people. However, the criticism on the system lead to the oppression, and the imperialism in East Asian countries enforce the agitation, war engagement, propaganda of the colonialism on the comics. Current East Asian comics have been occupying the largest part in the world comics, and have their roots in the modern comics. So it is meaningful to investigate the characteristic of modern East Asian comics.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.7 no.4 s.17
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• pp.175-190
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• 1998

The formation of Chinese Town in Malacca of Malaysia and Singapore would explain that Chinese gradually played an important role of commerce and urban service according to the Western European advance to southeast Asia and the construction of colonial cities from the 16th century to 19th and massed residence in many cites of southeast Asia. Chinese was usually separated from the Western European by western colonial policy and city planning. Common architectural characteristics in Chinese towns of Malaysia can refer to the transmission of the Chinese architectural material, the combination of dwelling and commerce in a house and the space organization centered on a court or an air well in the narrow and long site, lying adjacent to street etc. The Chinese dwellings in Malaysia rooted with Chinese settlement in southeast Asia. The Chinese dwellings was not always a shop on 1th floor and a dwelling on 2nd floor before the 19th century. But as Chinese immigration and commercial activity progressed in earnest in the early of 19th century, the row house of Chinese for dwelling was autonomously changed to two functional shophouse for dwelling and commerce. Chinese row house can refer to the use of Malay regional material, change of symmetrical Chinese traditional housing type by the narrow and long site and the tendency of the eclectic elevation of Western and China. Another architectural characteristics of the shophouse is an appearance of the continuous verandah with a cover regulated by Stamford Raffles in Singapore. This regulation was applied to architecture in Chinese Town as Stamford Raffles constructed Singapore. It was spread to South China reversely and became the regulation of streetscape for the modern city. Shophouse of Chinese towns in Southeast Asia and south China can be understood by context of Chinese immigration, colonialism, housing type of commerce and dwelling and the Western European city planning.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.39-54
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• 2011

The Bunhuangsa stone pagoda, constructed in AD. 634, National Treasure no. 30, has been named as 'brick-copied pagoda' since the Japanese-ruling period by scholars. It is said that the Chinese brick pagoda was its precedent model, however the Bunhuangsa Pagoda is the oldest of all the Chinese-style brick pagodas except one, the Sungaksa Pagoda. The Chinese pagoda cannot have been a precedent model to copy due to its complex detail of wood vestige, as the Bunhuangsa pagoda is simple form without ornament. Domestic brick pagodas cannot have been a precedent model to copy as well, because all the domestic brick pagodas are younger than the Bunhuangsa Pagoda. Therefore, the terminology 'brick-copied pagoda' is a fallacy; it is rather that later brick pagoda copied the precedent the Bunhuangsa stone pagoda. The Bunhuangsa Pagoda is simply a piled-up pagoda of thick or thin, big or small slates of stone, facing only one smooth side and therefore needing nothing to relate to brick. The originality of the pagoda is more related to simple piled-up Indian stone stupa rather than Chinese brick pagoda. The roof form of its gradually stepped projection comes from the harmika of the summit of Indian stupa. Contrary to general history, old Silla Dynasty imported Buddhism directly from India by sea. From written national history and by temple foundation history, the Indian Buddhism evangelist possibly made influence to the erecting of temple and pagoda. The original wrong terminology has made a harmful effect gradually to the naming of mass-styled stone pagoda of only carved stepped-roof form after brick-copied pagoda. The false term 'brick-copied pagoda' should be discarded, which comes with superficial observation based on toadyism to China and colonialism to Japan. Instead of the fallacious term, this paper suggests multi-storied 'piled-up pagoda with slate stone.'

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.7-19
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• 2016

Shenyang was one of the representative transportation hub of Northeast China during the modern period. The formation and development of the railway network gave great influence on Shenyang's city development. In order to understand the relationship between railway and city development, first, we classified Shenyang's city development period by the railway network's formation and expansion process. Then, we analyzed the relationship between railway and city space by five categories. The results of this study are as follows. First, before railway was constructed, Shenyang was a castle city, which also was the economic center of Northeast China. This was the main reason Shenyang was chosen as a railway zone. During the modern period, the castle structure became an obstacle to city transportation and environment, therefore, it was disposed. During the period of railways' expansion, South Manchuria, Jingfeng and Shenhai railway line was constructed in Shenyang. Since each line had different operation organizations, city sites along the railways were planned separately. However, these operation organizations had one common purpose, which was to use railway as an accelerator for economic development. During the period of railway's military usage, railway was reorganized as military supply transport for the Japanese, which also was used as a tool for the expansion of colonialism. Second, after Shenyang's city space was reconstructed along the railway, it created a close connection with city structure, city facilities, landscape and city transportation system. Hence, the railway system played a key role in modern city planning.

• Asian review of World Histories
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.81-112
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• 2015

This essay interrogates the category of the 'global' in the emerging domain of 'global intellectual history'. Through a case study of the Indian social-religious reformer Rammohun Roy (1772/4-1833), I argue that notions of global selfhood and rights-consciousness (which have been preoccupying concerns of recent debates in intellectual history) have multiple conceptual and practical points of origin. Thus in early colonial India a person like Rammohun Roy could invoke centuries-old Indic terms of globality (vishva, jagat, sarva, sarvabhuta, etc.), selfhood (atman/brahman), and notions of right (adhikara) to liberation/salvation (mukti/moksha) as well as late precolonial discourses on 'worldly' rights consciousness (to life, property, religious toleration) and models of participatory governance present in an Indo-Islamic society, and hybridize these with Western-origin notions of rights and liberties. Thereby Rammohun could challenge the racial and confessional assumptions of colonial authority and produce a more deterritorialized and non-sectarian idea of selfhood and governance. However, Rammohun's comparativist world-historical notions excluded other models of selfhood and globality, such as those produced by devotional Vaishnava, Shaiva, and Shakta-Tantric discourses under the influence of non-Brahmanical communities and women. Rammohun's puritan condemnation of non-Brahmanical sexual and gender relations created a homogenized and hierarchical model of globality, obscuring alternate subaltern-inflected notions of selfhood. Class, caste, and gender biases rendered Rammohun supportive of British colonial rule and distanced him from popular anti-colonial revolts and social mobility movements in India. This article argues that today's intellectual historians run the risk of repeating Rammohun's biases (or those of Hegel's Weltgeschichte) if they privilege the historicity and value of certain models of global selfhood and rights-consciousness (such as those derived from a constructed notion of the 'West' or from constructed notions of various 'elite' classicized 'cultures'), to the exclusion of models produced by disenfranchised actors across the world. Instead of operating through hierarchical assumptions about local/global polarity, intellectual historians should remain sensitive to and learn from the universalizable models of selfhood, rights, and justice produced by actors in different spatio-temporal locations and intersections.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.204-214
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• 2011

This article attenpts to analyze, from the perspective of post-colonialism, 'Goemul'(English title, The Host), the Korean blockbuster movie that scored the greatest box-office success in the history of the Korean cinema. As Goemul eagerly copies the monster movie, a representative genre of Hollywood movies, it has close affinity with Hollywood blockbuster movie in many repects. At the same time, however, it also contains a resistance discourse that criticizes and mocks colonial of Korean society under American influences. This movie successfully carries out a post-colonial cultural translation that transforms mimicry into resistance to colonialsim. Hence, this artcle focuses on how Goemul borrows many aspects of the Hollywood monster movie but goes beyond the simple copying of it to reach post-colonial signification subverting the existing cultural regime.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.38 no.1
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• pp.48-69
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• 2003

Colonialism heretofore described merely as a political economic phenomenon denotes another aspect, namely, an ecological imperialism that accompanies the biological implantation of human beings, crops, weeds, domestic animals, and pathogens onto colonized lands. Foremost, the Korean Peninsula during the colonial period served as a testing ground for the transplanted Japanese varieties of rice. Near the mid-1940s, the new varieties came to dominate over 90% of cultivated rice paddy. The speedy diffusion of transplanted rice was attributable to the aggressive promotion of agricultural institutions led by the Institute of Agricultural Tests and Experiments. Various policies and tactics were also instrumental to the nationwide distribution of new varieties, and they included naming recommended varieties, sponsoring rice contests, establishing crop inspection offices, educating young farmers at training camps, and publishing newsletters for agricultural societies. The forward and backward linkages that came along with the new varieties of transplanted rice helped to consolidate colonial status quo and to create hybrid agricultural landscapes in the Korean countryside.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.57 no.2
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• pp.339-365
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• 2011

Charlotte $Bront{\ddot{e}}^{\prime}s$ novel Jane Eyre has long been doted on as one of the canonized texts of British literature since its publication. Seemingly, this romantic novel has nothing to do with plantation based on slave trade. However, paying a keen attention to the fact that Jane's enormous inheritance results from wine plantation at a colony, this essay re-interprets Bertha's drinking and madness as evidence of imperialism. For the porter/jin Bertha and Grace Poole enjoy might have some suspicious connection with wine, the very root of Jane's great expectations. Jean Ryes' Wide Sargasso Sea, writing Jane Eyre back, records Bertha as "a white resident of the West Indies, a colonizer of European descent" (326). However, Jane Eyre, in my interpretation, describes Bertha pretty much as a black Creole. At any rate, the view that the white West Indians are tainted by miscegenation proves contemporary racism and is reflected in the text through Bertha and her mother's intemperate drinking and madness. Drinking and madness are stigmatized as the evidence of the so-called "bad blood"; embodying the stereotypes of drinking, madness, and sexual corruption, Creoles, the very inescapable product of imperialism, provide a convenient excuse for justifying imperialism for purity, civilization, and moral cleanness. In this way, Jane Eyre needs to be re-interpreted politically and historically in the context of colonialism. British imperialism pursues a tremendous amount of profits through grape plantation and wine trades; however, it cleverly leaves in the colony the associated images such as intemperate drinking and madness. Bertha, transferred from Jamaica to Britain, takes in these negative images of "savageness." Transcending the narrow confines of feminist criticism obsessed with doubling between Bertha and Jane, this essay, accordingly, reads Bertha the prisoner in the attic as the captive for perpetuating imperialism. This reading hinges upon interpreting Rochester and St John as colonizers bearing the so-called "white men's burden" to cultivate and civilize savages much like crops such as grapes and sugarcane in the colonial plantation.