This study is tried to identify the changes in modern Hanbok for the past five decades through the literatures and actual materials such as the First Ladies' costume. In Hanbok fashion, there is a trend that influenced by politics, economy and culture just like in western fashion. After liberation from the Japanese colonialism, the most important factors in Hanbok fashion were economic factors caused by the development of textile industry and the dressing attitude of the First Ladies at that time. In 1950s, a modified Hanbok that is easy to wear was popular. It was partly because of the west oriented atmosphere after the Korean War and mainly due to the practical dressing attitude of First Lady, Francesca. In 1960s and 70s, former First Lady Yuk Young Soo who loved and had good taste for Hanbok led the fashion. At that time, high ranking female social leaders as well as general public usually wore Hanbok on formal occasions. Therefore, textile industry for Hanbok developed a lot and tailored shops that specialize Hanbok emerged. In 1980s, as the economy got better, Hanbok was upgraded and it became more luxurious. Traditional Hanbok was revived through a historical investigation. Additionally, the former First Lady Lee Soon Ja helped fostering a luxurious mood as she wore a Hanbok as a formal dress. After 1988 Olympic Games were successfully held, the importance of the traditional culture was emphasized in 1990s and Hanbok followed retro trend rigorously through the academic approaches including a dressing history. Hand painted and naturally dyed Hanboks were strong in this period. Former First Lady Kim Ok Sook's sophisticated Hanbok attire partially had effect on this mood. However, From the late 1990s Hanbok became less popular. It was partly because the former First Lady Son Myoung Sun and Lee Hee Ho preferred western style dresses and did not play a role as Hanbok fashion leaders.
Journal of the Korean Society for information Management
/
v.32
no.3
/
pp.221-236
/
2015
The purpose of this study is to analyze the research fields constituting the knowledge structure of the Korean Studies by applying hierarchical clustering method to domestic journal papers in Korean Studies. We analyzed 3,800 papers containing Korean author keyword that were listed in 14 kinds of Korean Studies journals published in 2004-2013, which have average impact factor more than 0.5 in 2011-2013. The results of the analysis show that the central research fields are the subjects related to political & social problems based on Confucian ideas focusing on Neo-Confucianism (Seonglihak) and Realist School of Confucianism (Silhak), to the political situation associated with territorial division of the Korean peninsula, and to the history from the period of japanese colonialism to modern and contemporary. It has been also found that the temporal backgrounds of researches in domestic Korean Studies were related to the modern times and the Joseon Dynasty periods, rather than the time of the ancient and contemporary.
Modern comics find their roots in caricatures, which have a basic element of comics as a combination of wrings and drawings. In three East Asian countries, new media, comics have been developed by joining modern arts and cartoons which is a news form of western comics. As modern comics have evolved according to situations of the three countries, they expand from the satire on the system, foreign invasions, and internal corruption to the enlightenment of the people. However, the criticism on the system lead to the oppression, and the imperialism in East Asian countries enforce the agitation, war engagement, propaganda of the colonialism on the comics. Current East Asian comics have been occupying the largest part in the world comics, and have their roots in the modern comics. So it is meaningful to investigate the characteristic of modern East Asian comics.
The formation of Chinese Town in Malacca of Malaysia and Singapore would explain that Chinese gradually played an important role of commerce and urban service according to the Western European advance to southeast Asia and the construction of colonial cities from the 16th century to 19th and massed residence in many cites of southeast Asia. Chinese was usually separated from the Western European by western colonial policy and city planning. Common architectural characteristics in Chinese towns of Malaysia can refer to the transmission of the Chinese architectural material, the combination of dwelling and commerce in a house and the space organization centered on a court or an air well in the narrow and long site, lying adjacent to street etc. The Chinese dwellings in Malaysia rooted with Chinese settlement in southeast Asia. The Chinese dwellings was not always a shop on 1th floor and a dwelling on 2nd floor before the 19th century. But as Chinese immigration and commercial activity progressed in earnest in the early of 19th century, the row house of Chinese for dwelling was autonomously changed to two functional shophouse for dwelling and commerce. Chinese row house can refer to the use of Malay regional material, change of symmetrical Chinese traditional housing type by the narrow and long site and the tendency of the eclectic elevation of Western and China. Another architectural characteristics of the shophouse is an appearance of the continuous verandah with a cover regulated by Stamford Raffles in Singapore. This regulation was applied to architecture in Chinese Town as Stamford Raffles constructed Singapore. It was spread to South China reversely and became the regulation of streetscape for the modern city. Shophouse of Chinese towns in Southeast Asia and south China can be understood by context of Chinese immigration, colonialism, housing type of commerce and dwelling and the Western European city planning.
The Bunhuangsa stone pagoda, constructed in AD. 634, National Treasure no. 30, has been named as 'brick-copied pagoda' since the Japanese-ruling period by scholars. It is said that the Chinese brick pagoda was its precedent model, however the Bunhuangsa Pagoda is the oldest of all the Chinese-style brick pagodas except one, the Sungaksa Pagoda. The Chinese pagoda cannot have been a precedent model to copy due to its complex detail of wood vestige, as the Bunhuangsa pagoda is simple form without ornament. Domestic brick pagodas cannot have been a precedent model to copy as well, because all the domestic brick pagodas are younger than the Bunhuangsa Pagoda. Therefore, the terminology 'brick-copied pagoda' is a fallacy; it is rather that later brick pagoda copied the precedent the Bunhuangsa stone pagoda. The Bunhuangsa Pagoda is simply a piled-up pagoda of thick or thin, big or small slates of stone, facing only one smooth side and therefore needing nothing to relate to brick. The originality of the pagoda is more related to simple piled-up Indian stone stupa rather than Chinese brick pagoda. The roof form of its gradually stepped projection comes from the harmika of the summit of Indian stupa. Contrary to general history, old Silla Dynasty imported Buddhism directly from India by sea. From written national history and by temple foundation history, the Indian Buddhism evangelist possibly made influence to the erecting of temple and pagoda. The original wrong terminology has made a harmful effect gradually to the naming of mass-styled stone pagoda of only carved stepped-roof form after brick-copied pagoda. The false term 'brick-copied pagoda' should be discarded, which comes with superficial observation based on toadyism to China and colonialism to Japan. Instead of the fallacious term, this paper suggests multi-storied 'piled-up pagoda with slate stone.'
Shenyang was one of the representative transportation hub of Northeast China during the modern period. The formation and development of the railway network gave great influence on Shenyang's city development. In order to understand the relationship between railway and city development, first, we classified Shenyang's city development period by the railway network's formation and expansion process. Then, we analyzed the relationship between railway and city space by five categories. The results of this study are as follows. First, before railway was constructed, Shenyang was a castle city, which also was the economic center of Northeast China. This was the main reason Shenyang was chosen as a railway zone. During the modern period, the castle structure became an obstacle to city transportation and environment, therefore, it was disposed. During the period of railways' expansion, South Manchuria, Jingfeng and Shenhai railway line was constructed in Shenyang. Since each line had different operation organizations, city sites along the railways were planned separately. However, these operation organizations had one common purpose, which was to use railway as an accelerator for economic development. During the period of railway's military usage, railway was reorganized as military supply transport for the Japanese, which also was used as a tool for the expansion of colonialism. Second, after Shenyang's city space was reconstructed along the railway, it created a close connection with city structure, city facilities, landscape and city transportation system. Hence, the railway system played a key role in modern city planning.
This essay interrogates the category of the 'global' in the emerging domain of 'global intellectual history'. Through a case study of the Indian social-religious reformer Rammohun Roy (1772/4-1833), I argue that notions of global selfhood and rights-consciousness (which have been preoccupying concerns of recent debates in intellectual history) have multiple conceptual and practical points of origin. Thus in early colonial India a person like Rammohun Roy could invoke centuries-old Indic terms of globality (vishva, jagat, sarva, sarvabhuta, etc.), selfhood (atman/brahman), and notions of right (adhikara) to liberation/salvation (mukti/moksha) as well as late precolonial discourses on 'worldly' rights consciousness (to life, property, religious toleration) and models of participatory governance present in an Indo-Islamic society, and hybridize these with Western-origin notions of rights and liberties. Thereby Rammohun could challenge the racial and confessional assumptions of colonial authority and produce a more deterritorialized and non-sectarian idea of selfhood and governance. However, Rammohun's comparativist world-historical notions excluded other models of selfhood and globality, such as those produced by devotional Vaishnava, Shaiva, and Shakta-Tantric discourses under the influence of non-Brahmanical communities and women. Rammohun's puritan condemnation of non-Brahmanical sexual and gender relations created a homogenized and hierarchical model of globality, obscuring alternate subaltern-inflected notions of selfhood. Class, caste, and gender biases rendered Rammohun supportive of British colonial rule and distanced him from popular anti-colonial revolts and social mobility movements in India. This article argues that today's intellectual historians run the risk of repeating Rammohun's biases (or those of Hegel's Weltgeschichte) if they privilege the historicity and value of certain models of global selfhood and rights-consciousness (such as those derived from a constructed notion of the 'West' or from constructed notions of various 'elite' classicized 'cultures'), to the exclusion of models produced by disenfranchised actors across the world. Instead of operating through hierarchical assumptions about local/global polarity, intellectual historians should remain sensitive to and learn from the universalizable models of selfhood, rights, and justice produced by actors in different spatio-temporal locations and intersections.
This article attenpts to analyze, from the perspective of post-colonialism, 'Goemul'(English title, The Host), the Korean blockbuster movie that scored the greatest box-office success in the history of the Korean cinema. As Goemul eagerly copies the monster movie, a representative genre of Hollywood movies, it has close affinity with Hollywood blockbuster movie in many repects. At the same time, however, it also contains a resistance discourse that criticizes and mocks colonial of Korean society under American influences. This movie successfully carries out a post-colonial cultural translation that transforms mimicry into resistance to colonialsim. Hence, this artcle focuses on how Goemul borrows many aspects of the Hollywood monster movie but goes beyond the simple copying of it to reach post-colonial signification subverting the existing cultural regime.
Colonialism heretofore described merely as a political economic phenomenon denotes another aspect, namely, an ecological imperialism that accompanies the biological implantation of human beings, crops, weeds, domestic animals, and pathogens onto colonized lands. Foremost, the Korean Peninsula during the colonial period served as a testing ground for the transplanted Japanese varieties of rice. Near the mid-1940s, the new varieties came to dominate over 90% of cultivated rice paddy. The speedy diffusion of transplanted rice was attributable to the aggressive promotion of agricultural institutions led by the Institute of Agricultural Tests and Experiments. Various policies and tactics were also instrumental to the nationwide distribution of new varieties, and they included naming recommended varieties, sponsoring rice contests, establishing crop inspection offices, educating young farmers at training camps, and publishing newsletters for agricultural societies. The forward and backward linkages that came along with the new varieties of transplanted rice helped to consolidate colonial status quo and to create hybrid agricultural landscapes in the Korean countryside.
Charlotte $Bront{\ddot{e}}^{\prime}s$ novel Jane Eyre has long been doted on as one of the canonized texts of British literature since its publication. Seemingly, this romantic novel has nothing to do with plantation based on slave trade. However, paying a keen attention to the fact that Jane's enormous inheritance results from wine plantation at a colony, this essay re-interprets Bertha's drinking and madness as evidence of imperialism. For the porter/jin Bertha and Grace Poole enjoy might have some suspicious connection with wine, the very root of Jane's great expectations. Jean Ryes' Wide Sargasso Sea, writing Jane Eyre back, records Bertha as "a white resident of the West Indies, a colonizer of European descent" (326). However, Jane Eyre, in my interpretation, describes Bertha pretty much as a black Creole. At any rate, the view that the white West Indians are tainted by miscegenation proves contemporary racism and is reflected in the text through Bertha and her mother's intemperate drinking and madness. Drinking and madness are stigmatized as the evidence of the so-called "bad blood"; embodying the stereotypes of drinking, madness, and sexual corruption, Creoles, the very inescapable product of imperialism, provide a convenient excuse for justifying imperialism for purity, civilization, and moral cleanness. In this way, Jane Eyre needs to be re-interpreted politically and historically in the context of colonialism. British imperialism pursues a tremendous amount of profits through grape plantation and wine trades; however, it cleverly leaves in the colony the associated images such as intemperate drinking and madness. Bertha, transferred from Jamaica to Britain, takes in these negative images of "savageness." Transcending the narrow confines of feminist criticism obsessed with doubling between Bertha and Jane, this essay, accordingly, reads Bertha the prisoner in the attic as the captive for perpetuating imperialism. This reading hinges upon interpreting Rochester and St John as colonizers bearing the so-called "white men's burden" to cultivate and civilize savages much like crops such as grapes and sugarcane in the colonial plantation.
이메일무단수집거부
본 웹사이트에 게시된 이메일 주소가 전자우편 수집 프로그램이나
그 밖의 기술적 장치를 이용하여 무단으로 수집되는 것을 거부하며,
이를 위반시 정보통신망법에 의해 형사 처벌됨을 유념하시기 바랍니다.
[게시일 2004년 10월 1일]
이용약관
제 1 장 총칙
제 1 조 (목적)
이 이용약관은 KoreaScience 홈페이지(이하 “당 사이트”)에서 제공하는 인터넷 서비스(이하 '서비스')의 가입조건 및 이용에 관한 제반 사항과 기타 필요한 사항을 구체적으로 규정함을 목적으로 합니다.
제 2 조 (용어의 정의)
① "이용자"라 함은 당 사이트에 접속하여 이 약관에 따라 당 사이트가 제공하는 서비스를 받는 회원 및 비회원을
말합니다.
② "회원"이라 함은 서비스를 이용하기 위하여 당 사이트에 개인정보를 제공하여 아이디(ID)와 비밀번호를 부여
받은 자를 말합니다.
③ "회원 아이디(ID)"라 함은 회원의 식별 및 서비스 이용을 위하여 자신이 선정한 문자 및 숫자의 조합을
말합니다.
④ "비밀번호(패스워드)"라 함은 회원이 자신의 비밀보호를 위하여 선정한 문자 및 숫자의 조합을 말합니다.
제 3 조 (이용약관의 효력 및 변경)
① 이 약관은 당 사이트에 게시하거나 기타의 방법으로 회원에게 공지함으로써 효력이 발생합니다.
② 당 사이트는 이 약관을 개정할 경우에 적용일자 및 개정사유를 명시하여 현행 약관과 함께 당 사이트의
초기화면에 그 적용일자 7일 이전부터 적용일자 전일까지 공지합니다. 다만, 회원에게 불리하게 약관내용을
변경하는 경우에는 최소한 30일 이상의 사전 유예기간을 두고 공지합니다. 이 경우 당 사이트는 개정 전
내용과 개정 후 내용을 명확하게 비교하여 이용자가 알기 쉽도록 표시합니다.
제 4 조(약관 외 준칙)
① 이 약관은 당 사이트가 제공하는 서비스에 관한 이용안내와 함께 적용됩니다.
② 이 약관에 명시되지 아니한 사항은 관계법령의 규정이 적용됩니다.
제 2 장 이용계약의 체결
제 5 조 (이용계약의 성립 등)
① 이용계약은 이용고객이 당 사이트가 정한 약관에 「동의합니다」를 선택하고, 당 사이트가 정한
온라인신청양식을 작성하여 서비스 이용을 신청한 후, 당 사이트가 이를 승낙함으로써 성립합니다.
② 제1항의 승낙은 당 사이트가 제공하는 과학기술정보검색, 맞춤정보, 서지정보 등 다른 서비스의 이용승낙을
포함합니다.
제 6 조 (회원가입)
서비스를 이용하고자 하는 고객은 당 사이트에서 정한 회원가입양식에 개인정보를 기재하여 가입을 하여야 합니다.
제 7 조 (개인정보의 보호 및 사용)
당 사이트는 관계법령이 정하는 바에 따라 회원 등록정보를 포함한 회원의 개인정보를 보호하기 위해 노력합니다. 회원 개인정보의 보호 및 사용에 대해서는 관련법령 및 당 사이트의 개인정보 보호정책이 적용됩니다.
제 8 조 (이용 신청의 승낙과 제한)
① 당 사이트는 제6조의 규정에 의한 이용신청고객에 대하여 서비스 이용을 승낙합니다.
② 당 사이트는 아래사항에 해당하는 경우에 대해서 승낙하지 아니 합니다.
- 이용계약 신청서의 내용을 허위로 기재한 경우
- 기타 규정한 제반사항을 위반하며 신청하는 경우
제 9 조 (회원 ID 부여 및 변경 등)
① 당 사이트는 이용고객에 대하여 약관에 정하는 바에 따라 자신이 선정한 회원 ID를 부여합니다.
② 회원 ID는 원칙적으로 변경이 불가하며 부득이한 사유로 인하여 변경 하고자 하는 경우에는 해당 ID를
해지하고 재가입해야 합니다.
③ 기타 회원 개인정보 관리 및 변경 등에 관한 사항은 서비스별 안내에 정하는 바에 의합니다.
제 3 장 계약 당사자의 의무
제 10 조 (KISTI의 의무)
① 당 사이트는 이용고객이 희망한 서비스 제공 개시일에 특별한 사정이 없는 한 서비스를 이용할 수 있도록
하여야 합니다.
② 당 사이트는 개인정보 보호를 위해 보안시스템을 구축하며 개인정보 보호정책을 공시하고 준수합니다.
③ 당 사이트는 회원으로부터 제기되는 의견이나 불만이 정당하다고 객관적으로 인정될 경우에는 적절한 절차를
거쳐 즉시 처리하여야 합니다. 다만, 즉시 처리가 곤란한 경우는 회원에게 그 사유와 처리일정을 통보하여야
합니다.
제 11 조 (회원의 의무)
① 이용자는 회원가입 신청 또는 회원정보 변경 시 실명으로 모든 사항을 사실에 근거하여 작성하여야 하며,
허위 또는 타인의 정보를 등록할 경우 일체의 권리를 주장할 수 없습니다.
② 당 사이트가 관계법령 및 개인정보 보호정책에 의거하여 그 책임을 지는 경우를 제외하고 회원에게 부여된
ID의 비밀번호 관리소홀, 부정사용에 의하여 발생하는 모든 결과에 대한 책임은 회원에게 있습니다.
③ 회원은 당 사이트 및 제 3자의 지적 재산권을 침해해서는 안 됩니다.
제 4 장 서비스의 이용
제 12 조 (서비스 이용 시간)
① 서비스 이용은 당 사이트의 업무상 또는 기술상 특별한 지장이 없는 한 연중무휴, 1일 24시간 운영을
원칙으로 합니다. 단, 당 사이트는 시스템 정기점검, 증설 및 교체를 위해 당 사이트가 정한 날이나 시간에
서비스를 일시 중단할 수 있으며, 예정되어 있는 작업으로 인한 서비스 일시중단은 당 사이트 홈페이지를
통해 사전에 공지합니다.
② 당 사이트는 서비스를 특정범위로 분할하여 각 범위별로 이용가능시간을 별도로 지정할 수 있습니다. 다만
이 경우 그 내용을 공지합니다.
제 13 조 (홈페이지 저작권)
① NDSL에서 제공하는 모든 저작물의 저작권은 원저작자에게 있으며, KISTI는 복제/배포/전송권을 확보하고
있습니다.
② NDSL에서 제공하는 콘텐츠를 상업적 및 기타 영리목적으로 복제/배포/전송할 경우 사전에 KISTI의 허락을
받아야 합니다.
③ NDSL에서 제공하는 콘텐츠를 보도, 비평, 교육, 연구 등을 위하여 정당한 범위 안에서 공정한 관행에
합치되게 인용할 수 있습니다.
④ NDSL에서 제공하는 콘텐츠를 무단 복제, 전송, 배포 기타 저작권법에 위반되는 방법으로 이용할 경우
저작권법 제136조에 따라 5년 이하의 징역 또는 5천만 원 이하의 벌금에 처해질 수 있습니다.
제 14 조 (유료서비스)
① 당 사이트 및 협력기관이 정한 유료서비스(원문복사 등)는 별도로 정해진 바에 따르며, 변경사항은 시행 전에
당 사이트 홈페이지를 통하여 회원에게 공지합니다.
② 유료서비스를 이용하려는 회원은 정해진 요금체계에 따라 요금을 납부해야 합니다.
제 5 장 계약 해지 및 이용 제한
제 15 조 (계약 해지)
회원이 이용계약을 해지하고자 하는 때에는 [가입해지] 메뉴를 이용해 직접 해지해야 합니다.
제 16 조 (서비스 이용제한)
① 당 사이트는 회원이 서비스 이용내용에 있어서 본 약관 제 11조 내용을 위반하거나, 다음 각 호에 해당하는
경우 서비스 이용을 제한할 수 있습니다.
- 2년 이상 서비스를 이용한 적이 없는 경우
- 기타 정상적인 서비스 운영에 방해가 될 경우
② 상기 이용제한 규정에 따라 서비스를 이용하는 회원에게 서비스 이용에 대하여 별도 공지 없이 서비스 이용의
일시정지, 이용계약 해지 할 수 있습니다.
제 17 조 (전자우편주소 수집 금지)
회원은 전자우편주소 추출기 등을 이용하여 전자우편주소를 수집 또는 제3자에게 제공할 수 없습니다.
제 6 장 손해배상 및 기타사항
제 18 조 (손해배상)
당 사이트는 무료로 제공되는 서비스와 관련하여 회원에게 어떠한 손해가 발생하더라도 당 사이트가 고의 또는 과실로 인한 손해발생을 제외하고는 이에 대하여 책임을 부담하지 아니합니다.
제 19 조 (관할 법원)
서비스 이용으로 발생한 분쟁에 대해 소송이 제기되는 경우 민사 소송법상의 관할 법원에 제기합니다.
[부 칙]
1. (시행일) 이 약관은 2016년 9월 5일부터 적용되며, 종전 약관은 본 약관으로 대체되며, 개정된 약관의 적용일 이전 가입자도 개정된 약관의 적용을 받습니다.