• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.9-33
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• 2018

This paper examines the literary theory of Gollyun(昆侖) Choe, Changdae(崔昌大, 1669-1720). He has authored a variety of works, and his works have been recognized in many literatures. Because of this, studying his literature is a meaningful. The theory of poem creation is as follows. It is the basic poem creationism that expresses the feelings that I experienced and felt as it is. The utility is to multiply and control the artist's feelings through his poem. However, the creative theory of being the best writer is different from this. It must be premised on finding from the heart and studying various books. If these qualities was provided, the words are clear and the meaning is condensed. He distinguished between general works and the best works, and presented their own creative theory and discussed their utility. The theory of prose utility is as follows. He emphasizes the importance of communicating with contemporaries and establishing important things of the day and making them easier to understand, without specifying the morality. This is a thoroughly realistic utility theory. In the classical chinese prose's history, 'Sadal(辭達)' and 'Susa(修辭)' were issues. He transcends the recognition of 'Sadal(辭達)' and 'Susa(修辭)' as zero-sum. In addition, he gives priority to the meaning of the writer and emphasizes self-realization, which is in common with other political soron(少論) writers' theories. When creating prose, simplicity and bizarreness were issues. He emphasizes concise writing. However, it can be realized when a writer with high opinion is aware of the reason and raises the core. Through various sources, he has completely rejected Ming(明) dynasty's former and latter seven master(前後七子). However, he did not exclude their work unilaterally, and recognized the work of Chin-Han dynasty(秦漢) and Dang-Song dynasty(唐宋). This is the same as his father Choiseokjung(崔錫鼎). He recognized Chin-Han dynasty(秦漢) and Dang-Song dynasty(唐宋) equally, and sought a simplified and summarized style.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.65-89
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• 2018

This paper was triggered by the idea that the culture of ancestral rites and the patrilocality, which entail the excessive sacrifice on the part of the wife, that eventually led to the coinage of the expression, "housewives' holiday stress," is perhaps not the age-old traditions it claim to be, but rather a recent phenomenon. The purpose of this paper is to reveal that the loss of housewife's authority is the product of "becoming yangban (aristocrats)," which was a culture that was in fashion in the late Joseon dynasty. Until the late Joseon dynasty, women, in particular, the married women maintained an autonomous life which allowed them the authority to an extent, based on their properties that they brought from and the ties that they maintained with their original family and. However, such authority of the housewives disappeared since the invasion of Joseon by Japan and Qing in the year of Imjin (1592) and Byeongja (1636), respectively, as the daughters were excluded from receiving inheritance in a desperate attempt to maintain the impoverished family after the wars. However, patriarchy based on neo-Confucian custom and convention of patriarchal clan system could not spread to the entire population immediately after the wars, as it was impossible to include everyone in the aristocratic class (yangban). It was due to the increase of aristocrats within the continued social changes that occurred after the wars that the neo-Confucian patriarchy became the norm and ethical standard in Joseon society. Also, the theory of propriety in neo-Confucianism that everyone from the emperor down to commoners must abide by the patriarchal clan system was realized through Zhuzi jiali, i.e. Master Zhu's Family Rituals, which institutionalized the system of family rites by setting up ancestral shrines in every household. For the aristocrats who lost their financial footing, the only basis they could rely on to prove their aristocratic lineage is the strict compliance with the rituals. Also, for the once commoners who turned into aristocrats one day had to emphasize the formal propriety in order to distinguish themselves from the commoners. Hence, the culture of "becoming yangban" in the nineteenth-century Joseon was what solidified the patriarchal rituals, decorum, and clan system. As a result, women have become subordinated to the husband's families, which forced the women, i.e. the housewives to serve them and sacrifice themselves for them. At times, women self-imposed such restraints on them as they led themselves into believing that it was necessary to maintain the family for their sons.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.185-217
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• 2018

This research is a part of basic research on Gyeonggi Kamyoung focused on reconstruct personnel organization and facility of Gyeonggi Kamyoung, the only Kamyoung without a Kamyoung Record, which should have been recorded on it. Excluding Gyeonggi Kamyoung, other 7 Kamyoung each have its Kamyoung Record that shows their detailed history and set up. Due to lack of information about Gyeonggi Kamyoung, this research set objective on reconstructing Kamyoung Record of it with fragments of information on multiple historical records. By doing this, this research will also be a background for general research on distinguishing administrative unity from regional uniqueness of all 8 provinces Kamyoung. Kamyoung's personnel organization is sorted into government official from central government and Yeongli and staff. The information about the government official on this research is based on "Ki-Yung-Jang-Gae- Deung-Rok"'s personal assessment. According to it, Dosa Junggun Geomlyul had the same task and position as others in different provinces did. The difference Gyeonggi Kamyoung had was an absence of Sim Yak since 1700 while others still had it. The information about Yeongli and staff's organization was based on "Ki-Yeong-Sin-Jeong-Sa-Le". In Gyeonggi Kamyoung, along 6-Bang, there were 208 Yeongli and staff categorized into 50 different official duties. Also, compared to other Kamyoungs, Youngli's scale was smaller. Kamyoung's facility inside Pojeongmun and wall is distinguished from other Kamyoung related facilities in this research. Organization of facilities inside Pojeongmun and wall is based on "Gyeonggi-Kamyoung-Do". Like other Kamyoungs in different provinces, Seonhwadang, which is the main building, is located in the center and had a similar organization. Significant point was that Gyeonggi Kamyoung had both Youngli-Cheong and Hyeongli-Cheong at the same time. In the dense and developed area outside of Seodaemun, Gyeonggi Kamyoung had its related facility around it in small scale.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.66
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• pp.35-73
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• 2017

The aim of this article is to analyze the feature of the $Hongch^{\prime}{\breve{o}}n$ poetry society(紅泉社). The leader of the $Hongch^{\prime}{\breve{o}}n$ poetry society was Yi Mansu(李晩秀), and the members of that were Yi Naksu(李洛秀), Sin Chin(申縉) Sin Chak(申綽) Sin $Hy{\breve{o}}n$(申絢) Pak Chongu(朴宗羽) $Ch{\breve{o}}ng$ Sukwi(鄭遂龜) $Kw{\breve{o}}n$ Sik(權?) Kim Kyeon(金啓溫). They organized the poetry society at Gi-dae(企臺) of Seoul. The poems of the $Hongch^{\prime}{\breve{o}}n$ poetry society were included in "$K{\breve{u}}gw{\breve{o}}n$ yugo(?園遺稿)", a collection of Yi Mansu's works. The $Hongch^{\prime}{\breve{o}}n$ poetry society was maintained for three years, from 1817 to 1820. The members of the $Hongch^{\prime}{\breve{o}}n$ poetry society gathered at Kidae(企臺) and wrote poems together, such as the linked verses(聯句), divisions of rime(分 韻), replying rhyming verses(次韻) and so on. This article especially analyzed the linked verses of the $Hongch^{\prime}{\breve{o}}n$ poetry society. The following is a summary of characteristics in the linked verses of the $Hongch^{\prime}{\breve{o}}n$ poetry society. First, the members of the $Hongch^{\prime}{\breve{o}}n$ poetry society showed their poetic genius by writing the linked verses. They competitively designed unique words and techniques to exhibit their poetic genius. Especially, their poetic genius were exposed in $y{\breve{o}}n^{\prime}gu$(放雲樓聯句)>, modeling <$S{\breve{o}}ngnam$ $y{\breve{o}}n^{\prime}gu$(城南聯句)>'s style. The members of the $Hongch^{\prime}{\breve{o}}n$ poetry society had remarkable literary attainments. Second, the members of the $Hongch^{\prime}{\breve{o}}n$ poetry society promoted friendship by writing the linked verses. They expressed the pleasure of having a poetry party in the linked verses. Their linked verses are elegance. In addition, their poems are full of the pride as officials. And they were glad that they lived in the happy era. So they extoled the king's virtue in their linked verses.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.71
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• pp.99-128
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• 2018

Zhōuyì周易 is intended to explain the affairs of human beings by observing the images and works of all things in the universe, abstracting them into the $b{\bar{a}}gu{\grave{a}}$八卦, calculating the process and inducing the outcome by the method of stalk divination, in which this paper finds the origin of natural scientific thought of Zhōuyì. The way of Zhōuyì's thought on the natural science is distinguished from that of the Western's. In the West, people dismantled the objects into the parts until they reached the atom and analyzed them by the principle of causality to draw an axiomatic truth. In the meantime Zhōuyì observed and studied the dynamic functions and changes of all things for the convergence of the whole. While the way of Zhōuyì's thinking could have not contributed to the development of modern scientific development, that of the West overwhelmed Asian development passing through the period of enlightenment during 16-17 century. This paper tries to articulate the points where Zhōuyì can share its theory with the contemporary science by finding the traces of scientific thoughts in Zhōuyì. It encounters its ground from the methodology of natural science and scientific statements proposed by Zhōuyì. The essential concepts of Zhōuyì are induced from all things in nature. This can be considered as the idea of '法自然'(emulating the patterns and examples from nature). Also they observed the images and changes seen by the habits of animals, plants and human beings to sense and perceive their laws. These are regarded as the methodology of natural science in Zhōuyì. As a book of divination, the way of stalk divination is designed to calculate the future by using the system of 'numbers'. 'tàijí太極', ' yīnyáng陰陽', 'four symbols四象', '$b{\bar{a}}gu{\grave{a}}$八卦' and 'wǔxíng五行' are the essential concepts of Zhōuyì to represents the dynamic phenomena and changes of the natural order. Among them '$b{\bar{a}}gu{\grave{a}}$八卦' is a presentment to explain the structure of the world not by the individual analysis of things but by the unification of the whole through the contradictions and interchanges among them to reach the new orders. As of now, the studies of Zhōuyì in Korea have focused on the traditional perspectives, such as political and ethical philosophy. Some of recent studies, having interpreted Zhōuyì with scientific inclination have generated controversy 'Can Zhōuyì be a science?', for which scholars have hard time to reach the agreement. This paper tries to find the headwaters of the contemporary natural science by elaborating the methodology of natural science stated in Zhōuyì.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.71
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• pp.147-180
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• 2018

Seokjeong JEONG-JIK LEE is a scholar who tried to render a form of service for his country by writing works of literature during the crisis of the Period of Modern Enlightenment. He mainly expressed his perception of reality through an evaluation of historical figures. He left behind a text on the Analects of Confucius, which is known as the '10 questions and answers regarding the Analects of Confucius', in his posthumous work. It seems that he wrote it to be used as lecture material for his students. The purpose of this thesis is to analyze his recognition to the Analects of Confucius and its learning direction expressed in the writing '10 questions and answers regarding the Analects of Confucius'. With respect to the word ren(仁), which is the most fundamental concept of the Analects, he viewed his life in an introspective way from the standpoint of a 'Hoinyupe(好仁有蔽)', which means that if you like kindness and fairness but don't like learning it, then there will be negative effects, and through the 'Gwangwajiin(觀過知仁)', which means that you will know for sure kindness and fairness when you observe wrongdoing, not the general viewpoint of 'Humaneness or Love'. He tried to determine the meaning of ren, and virtue(德) through a common denominator from an overall point of view. It might have been a reflection of his thoughts that a sound comprehension of powerful countries was needed. In terms of relationship between Gunja(君子) and Myeong(命), Gunja needs to make constant efforts to understand Myeong as a talented person who can maintain order. The direction of learning was examined under three categories: Jongipjibang (從入之方), Gunjajiryu(君子之類), and Sumunihae(隨文而解). Jongipjibang is defined as a way to complement the weaknesses of leaners according to their characteristics and it promotes a focus on pushing ethics into practice rather than acquiring knowledge as it is today. Gunja was classified into 3 stages. However, it merely provides standards to help learners' understandings, so not all students may fall into these stages. Sumunihae gives explanations of commentaries on the book. Seokjeong remarked that the meaning was not different even if the same concept was annotated differently in the "Four Books". This is because the context was emphasized according to the principle of 'Sosisojeol Pilchakpilseom (所始所切, 必着必贍)'.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.385-411
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• 2008

This thesis aims at examining his understandings about the The Great Learning centering on the of the founder of the YiYongHuSaeng School (利用厚生學派: A school who pursued prosperous economy and welfare of people) orthe BukHak School(北學派: A positive school that pursued mercantilism) from the Joseon Dynasty, Dam-Heon Hong Dae Yong (1731-1783). 1) From what is indicated in the , his studies mainly focused on the annotations from DaeHakJangGuDaeJeonJipJu ("大學章句大全集註": A book that edited different phrases from the Great Learning into chapters and paragraphs), Questioning of the Great Learning", and "JuJaUhRyu (朱子語類: A book of Confucian literature written by Yeo Jung Deok" of Zhu Xi who was a representative scholar of the Neo-Confucianism in the Song Dynasty. 2) Acknowledging entirely the arguing points of Zhu Xi, he is taking a critical position in a way that partial doubts are divided into seven chapters and questioned. 3) For the main characteristic and direction of the questioning, he is estimating that Zhu Xi only stressed the 'means' and 'interior' out of the world of 'means and ends' and 'interior and exterior' in Zhu Xi's recognizing and handling cases; instead, he emphasized putting equivalent value on the 'ends' and 'exterior' as well. 4) In fact, such questions raised partially were misconceived since they were not carried out through profound understanding nor systematic logic expansion of what Zhu Xi insisted. 5) Despite this, at the point where Neo-Confucian thoughts were fixed and weakened only with its form left in the late Joseon Dynasty, his perspective on the study of Confucian classics that the 'ends' and 'exterior' should be as equally valued as the 'means' and 'interior' by examining through the core text of the Neo-Confucianism, The Great Learning has its significance in his YiYongHuSaeng dogma that says politicians, by all means, should provide the ruled with economic convenience and welfare and this is their very right virtue.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.359-384
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• 2008

Making Daxue("大學") which was originally the 43rd chapter of Liji("禮記") independent, Zhuzi(朱子) had reedited it into Daxuezhangju("大學章句") and in this process, he had added 134 letters thereto. Those 134 letters that added were concerned with gewuzhizhi(格物致知) and Zhuzi(朱子)'s such interpretation had made a great deal of contribution to the later interpretations of Daxue("大學") conducted by those scholars who followed him in a later age. Zhuzi(朱子) had interpreted gewu(格物) as to make a exhaustive study on principles of things or noumena that exist between heaven and earth. If gewu(格物) taking it for granted, denotes thorough investigation of the principles of things, it is considered that qiongli(窮理) is a more appropriate expression. Meanwhile, however, Zhuzi(朱子) argues that the reason for dubbing it gewu(格物), not calling it qiongli(窮理), is to see a thing as it is in itself. This is to emphasize that investigation of things and extension of knowledge gewuzhizhi(格物致知) is shixue(實學), not a xuxue(虛學). Zhizhi(致知) is a step through which my knowledge is being culminating in the most comprehensive and profound fashion. Specifically, Zhizhi(致知) is the phase to seek zhenzhi(眞知) having put together all knowledge gained through gewu(格物). In this true understanding, there is no room for one's own free will to intervene; zhenzhi(眞知) becomes the same as universal knowledge. The things accumulated in quantity through gewuzhizhi(格物致知) are to be changed by means of huoranguantong(豁然貫通). If we put gewuzhizhi(格物致知) as the quests of basic and general subjects, meanwhile, huoranguantong(豁然貫通) corresponds to more profound and sophisticated learning. Huoranguantong(豁然貫通) is a phase in which my principle and the universal principle become unified, and so, this is the phase where the standards in my mind will attain universality. That is to say, this means that the standards in my mind and the universal standards grow into one. Then, what is the ultimate purpose of gewuzhizhi(格物致知)? The ultimate purpose of gewuzhizhi(格物致知) is to reach zhishan(至善). If gewuzhizhi(格物致知) seeks zhishan(至善), those universal standards in my mind that attained through huoranguantong(豁然貫通) shall also be the criteria of that zhishan(至善). Viewing it from this perspective, it can be said that Zhuzi(朱子)'s gewuzhizhi(格物致知) contains both epistemological and logical aspect.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.35
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• pp.35-73
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• 2009

This thesis aims at making clear correlation between the controversy that the nature of people and things is equal or different each other and Sung Confucianism, which is closed and discriminative. For this aim, I am looking closely at philosophy-reason prose that deals with the nature of people and things, from the early days of Chosun when Sung Confucianism became a new trend of thought to the later days when the controversy that the nature of people and things is equal or different had begun in earnest. This philosophy-reason prose has had gradual and important change. There are four different view points toward the nature of people and things. According to the first view point, people are the nucleus of the world. For the second one, things are thought to be important enough to be valued, but people are still the only core of the world. The third view point is that people and things are equally important and they are all the core of the world. Finally, the fourth view point regards people inferior to things and it says that things need to instruct people by scolding their bad behavior. There is a correlation between the view point of the nature of people and things and the attitude of an author. If some scholars think that people are the most important nucleus of the world, they tend to consider Sung Confucianism as the only school. On the contrary, other scholars who think that people and things are equal tend to respect other schools with open mind. In conclusion, the heated debates of the 18th century was an acute pain to destroy the closed and discriminative character of Sung Confucianism. It has contributed to innovate the thought toward the nature of people and things and the reformism of practical science have also done important role in the process of modernism's being groped by itself.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.36
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• pp.163-202
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• 2009

The poems of Shin Suk-ju can be divided into two periods around the political change by King Sejo; his poems from the former period show that the poet enjoyed abundant pride and leisurely spirit in the self-satisfying world driven by his determination to maintain a pure heart and save and awaken the people during the reign of King Sejong. His ideology of awakening the people, however, was the product of his heroic consciousness to achieve immortal fame. It was his heroic consciousness and determination to sacrifice his life for fame according to the mandate from Heaven that made him join the political change by King Sejo. His poems from the latter period clearly reveal that the way of his life to pursue fame didn't bring him spiritual satisfaction and happiness. He confessed that his conscience was destroyed as he joined King Sejo in his political change and the deeds he achieved and further his life itself were all in vain. He lost the values or orders he pursued, which caused instability in his life. Facing such instability head-on, he argued that right and wrong, true and false, and good and evil mentioned in the world were all subjective and groundless. Furthermore, he realized all the things and creatures of the world were nothing but phantoms. Those perceptions he had were based on Madhyamaka of Buddhism. Going through such a thinking process, the poet wrote about his mentality of a false reputation with ideal mentality. Heroic consciousness, Buddhist thinking, and pursuit of mentality of a false reputation found in his poems make also frequent appearances in the poems by major literary men in the latter half of the 15th century such as Seo Geo-jeong. His serious searches to overcome his conscientious agony and sense of futility about life had influences on the attitudes toward life and literature of the official literary men of the times. Seong Hyeon's statement that the major literary figures of the times inherited the literary tradition of Shin Suk-ju was not a rhetoric by courtesy.