• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.25
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• pp.445-476
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• 1993

This paper is written to clarify the specific details of the Sabu-Songyu­Mongnok(사부송유목록). which is a reading list for recitation and appreciation of Chinese classics edited by Hong Suk-Chu(1774-1842) when he was 56 years old for the stimulation of his younger brother Hyun-Ju (1793-1865)'s reading life. In this study the catalogue's title interpretation. the time of the editing, the motive for the editing and the analysis of the contents are revealed as what they actually are. The main details are as followings. There is no date written on the Sabu-Songyu-Mongnok but the writer estimate it to be around 1829. After Hong Suk-Chu recognized the fact that although his younger brother Hyun-Ju was interested in reading but felt that he was a little too old to begin to read all the books of the whole classes. he selected the classic works from whole subjects, i.e. history, philosophy and anthology, that he thought which would best represent each subject. From these selected works he then picked out the most important chapters or parts of the works. Another motivation of the editing was for the stimulation of the reading life for Hong Suk-chu himself and for people like himself who were getting old and losing their vitality. The Sabu-Songyu-Mongnok consists of four categories. i.e. classics category, history category, philosophy category and anthology category, and in the catalogue, 26 different works are entered. The classics category has ten, the history category has six, the philosophy category has six and the anthology category has four. Each of the works are entered under the title of the book, and hen the chapter heading. The Sabu-Songyu-Mongnok was edited 19 years later than Hong-ssi toksorok(홍씨독서록) or an Annotated Bibliography of Korean and Chinese Books. Comparing each category of the catalogue with the Hong-ssi toksorok, the writer could catch the following characteristics. 1. Although there was no indication of the class heading, the sequence of the arrangement of the entries in the classics categories was the same as the sequence of the classes in the Hong-ssi toksorok. 2. The Zuo-shi Chun-qiu-zhuan(좌씨춘추전) is recorded in the class of Chunqiu of the classics category in the Hong-ssi toksorok, but in the Sabu-Songyu­Mongnok, it belongs to the history category. 3. In the philosophy category of the catalogue, Chuangtzu(장자) writings are included because it is so well written. 4. Unlike the categories of classics, history and anthology, the philosophy category is recorded under the author's name. This is fascinating because it unites with the conventional cataloguing practice of the west. 5. In the anthology category, the writings with the best styles from the Chuci(초사) or the poems of Chou, Wen-xuan(문선), wen-yuan-ying-hua(문여영화) are selected and classified into four parts: (1) poems, (2) proses of Han, Wei and Pre-Qin dynasties. (3) Si-liu-pian-li-wen(사육병려문), (4) classic style of writings of Tang and Song dynasties (당송고문). 6. There was an unusually large number of Han Yu's writings selected from the great eight poets of Tang and Song dynasty writings. (20 categories out of $43: 47\%)$ After comparing the entries of the Sabu-Songyu-Mongnok, it can be concluded that all the entries were also included in the Hong-ssi tokrorok. The fact that the sequence of the entries in the classics category and that the literary works were sequenced under the same subject by the year of editing or writing like as the Hong-ssi toksorok Also it is unusual that there was not even one literary work of a Korean in the catalogue. Anyhow this catalogue is the first recitation catalogue in our country that was edited for the people in the prime of life as well as for old people and is the only one existing today.

• The Critical Review of Religion and Culture
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• no.29
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• pp.134-167
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• 2016

This paper aims at exploring the characteristics and meanings of religious freedom controversy surrounding religious education, with special reference to proselytism, in protestant mission school in recent Korea. Most of protestant mission schools have been providing students compulsory religion class and chapel service in the name of religious education. According to the school authorities, religious education should be provided for the realization of founding philosophy, and they say that mission school has the right to religious education. On the contrary, many non-christian students argue that their religious liberty is seriously violated by required religious education especially compulsory chapel worship. So serious conflicts broke between mission school authorities and students. Supreme Court decided that Soongsil University has the right to maintain compulsory chapel service, ruling that Daegwang High School should not maintain required chapel worship. It seems that Supreme Court gave different decisions to high school and university respectively, considering the differences between high school and university in application for admission to a school, students' critical consciousness, school's autonomous rights, etc. However, these precedents are being challenged by many peoples and groups. There are three agents which are involved in religious freedom controversy in mission school. The first are mission school authorities supported by religious groups, the second government supported by political parties, and the third mission school students guided by NGO. Among them protestant groups are playing the major role in making religious freedom problems in mission school. Protestant groups try to convert mission school students to protestantism by compulsory chapel service and religion class. Such a protestant proselytism becomes a cause of oppressing students' human rights and religious liberty. In this situation government has a responsibility to protect the students' rights to religious freedom. But government seldom impose sanctions on the protestant mission schools' compulsory programs. The reason why government does not restrict mission school's unlawful religious education is because protestant groups have strong influence in voting. Eventually civil movements organizations involved in religious freedom controversy for the sake of students's human rights. In conclusion, the assailment is protestant proselytism, the accessory is government, the victim is students in the religious education in mission school in recent Korea.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.97
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• pp.87-104
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• 2020

Myogilsang on Diamond Mountain, signed and dated (2000) by Seon-u Yeong (1946-2009), is the first work by a North Korean artist to enter the collection of the National Museum of Korea (fig. 1a). The donor acquired the painting directly from the artist in Pyeongyang in 2006. In consequence, there are no issues with the painting's authenticity.This painting is the largest among all existing Korean paintings, whether contemporary or from the Joseon Dynasty, to depict this iconography (see chart 1. A Chronological List of Korean Myogilsang Paintings.) It is ink and color on paper, measures 130.2 × 56.2 centimeters, and is in a hanging scroll format. Since this essay is intended as a brief introduction of the painting and not in-depth research into it, I will simply examine the following four areas: 1. Seon-u Yeong's background; 2. The location and the traditional appellation of the rock-cut image known as Myogilsang; 3. The iconography of the image; and 4) A comparative analysis of Seon-u Yeong's painting in light of other paintings on the same theme. Finally, I will present two more of his works to broaden the understanding of Seon-u Yeong as a painter. 1. Seon-u Yeong: According to the donor, who met Seon-u at his workshop in the Cheollima Jejakso (Flying Horse Workshop) three years before the artist's death, he was an individual of few words but displayed a firm commitment to art. His preference for subjects such as Korean landscapes rather than motifs of socialist realism such as revolutionary leaders is demonstrated by the fact that, relative to his North Korean contemporaries, he seems to have produced more paintings of the former. In recent years, Seon-u Yeong has been well publicized in Korea through three special exhibitions (2012 through 2019). He graduated from Pyeongyang College of Fine Arts in 1969 and joined the Central Fine Arts Production Workshop focusing on oil painting. In 1973 he entered the Joseon Painting Production Workshop and began creating traditional Korean paintings in ink and color. His paintings are characterized by intense colors and fine details. The fact that his mother was an accomplished embroidery specialist may have influenced on Seon-u's choice to use intense colors in his paintings. By 1992, he had become a painter representing the Democratic People's Republic of Korea with several titles such as Artist of Merit, People's Artist, and more. About 60 of his paintings have been designated as National Treasures of the DPRK. 2. The Myogilsang rock-cut image is located in the Manpok-dong Valley in the inner Geumgangsan Mountain area. It is a high-relief image about 15 meters tall cut into a niche under 40 meters of a rock cliff. It is the largest of all the rock-cut images of the Goryeo period. This image is often known as "Mahayeon Myogilsang," Mahayeon (Mahayana) being the name of a small temple deep in the Manpokdong Valley (See fig. 3a & 3b). On the right side of the image, there is an intaglio inscription of three Chinese characters by the famous scholar-official and calligrapher Yun Sa-guk (1728-1709) reading "妙吉祥"myogilsang (fig. 4a, 4b). 3. The iconography: "Myogilsang" is another name for the Bhodhisattva Mañjuśrī. The Chinese pronunciation of Myogilsang is "miaojixiang," which is similar in pronunciation to Mañjuśrī. Therefore, we can suggest a 妙吉祥 ↔ Mañjuśrī formula for the translation and transliteration of the term. Even though the image was given a traditional name, the mudra presented by the two hands in the image calls for a closer examination. They show the making of a circle by joining the thumb with the ring finger (fig. 6). If the left land pointed downward, this mudra would conventionally be considered "lower class: lower life," one of the nine mudras of the Amitabha. However, in this image the left hand is placed across its abdomen at an almost 90-degree angle to the right hand (fig. 6). This can be interpreted as a combination of the "fear not" and the "preaching" mudras (see note 10, D. Saunders). I was also advised by the noted Buddhist art specialist Professor Kim Jeong-heui (of Won'gwang University) to presume that this is the "preaching" mudra. Therefore, I have tentatively concluded that this Myogilsang is an image of the Shakyamuni offering the preaching mudra. There is no such combination of hand gestures in any other Goryeo-period images. The closest I could identify is the Beopjusa Rock-cut Buddha (fig. 7) from around the same time. 4. Comparative analysis: As seen in , except for the two contemporary paintings, all others on this chart are in ink or ink and light color. Also, none of them included the fact that the image is under a 40-meter cliff. In addition, the Joseon-period paintings all depicted the rock-cut image as if it were a human figure, using soft brushstrokes and rounded forms. None of these paintings accurately rendered the mudra from the image as did Seon-u. Only his painting depicts the natural setting of the image under the cliff along with a realistic rendering of the image. However, by painting the tall cliff in dark green and by eliminating elements on either side of the rock-cut image, the artist was able to create an almost surreal atmosphere surrounding the image. Herein lies the uniqueness of Seon-u Yeong's version. The left side of Seon-u's 2007 work Mount Geumgang (fig. 8) lives up to his reputation as a painter who depicts forms (rocks in this case) in minute detail, but in the right half of the composition it also shows his skill at presenting a sense of space. In contrast, Wave (fig. 9), a work completed one year before his death, displays his faithfulness to the traditions of ink painting. Even based on only three paintings by Seon-u Yeong, it seems possible to assess his versatility in both traditional ink and color mediums.

• Journal of Arbitration Studies
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.3-35
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• 2005

The meaning of Online ADR lies in the prompt and economical resolution of disputes by applying the information/communication element (Internet) to existing ADR. However, if the promptness and economical efficiency are overemphasized, the fairness and appropriateness of dispute resolution may be compromised and consequently Online ADR will be belittled and criticized as second-class trials. In addition, as communication is mostly made using texts in Online ADR it is difficult to investigate cases and to create atmosphere and induce dynamic feelings, which are possible in the process of dispute resolution through face-to-face contact. Despite such difficulties, Online ADR is expanding its area not only in online but also in offline due to its advantages such as promptness, low expenses and improved resolution methods, and is expected to develop rapidly as the electronic government decided to adopt it in the future. Accordingly, the following points must be focused on for the continuous First, in the legal and institutional aspects for the development of Online ADR, it is necessary to establish a framework law on ADR. A framework law on ADR comprehending existing mediation and arbitration should be established and it must include contents of Online ADR, which utilizes electronic communication means. However, it is too early to establish a separate law for Online ADR because Online ADR must develop based on the theoretical system of ADR. Second, although Online ADR is expanding rapidly, it may take time to be settled as a tool of dispute resolution. As discussed earlier, additionally, if the amount of money in dispute is large or the dispute is complicated, Online ADR may have a negative effect on the resolution of the dispute. Thus, it is necessary to apply Online ADR to trifle cases or domestic cases in the early stage, accumulating experiences and correcting errors. Moreover, in order to settle numerous disputes effectively, Online ADR cases should be analyzed systematically and cases should be classified by type so that similar disputes may be settled automatically. What is more, these requirements should reflected in developing Online ADR system. Third, the application of Online ADR is being expanded to consumer disputes, domain name disputes, commercial disputes, legal disputes, etc., millions of cases are settled through Online ADR, and 115 Online ADR sites are in operation throughout the world. Thus Online ADR requires not temporary but continuous attention, and mediators and arbitrators participating in Online ADR should be more intensively educated on negotiation and information technologies. In particular, government-led research projects should be promoted to establish Online ADR model and these projects should be supported by comprehensive researches on mediation, arbitration and Online ADR. Fourth, what is most important in the continuous development and expansion of Online ADR is to secure confidence in Online ADR and advertise Online ADR to users. For this, incentives and rewards should be given to specialists such as lawyers when they participate in Online ADR as mediators and arbitrators in order to improve their expertise. What is more, from the early stage, the government and public institutions should have initiative in promoting Online ADR so that parties involved in disputes recognize the substantial contribution of Online ADR to dispute resolution. Lastly, dispute resolution through Online ADR is performed by organizations such as Korea Institute for Electronic Commerce and Korea Consumer Protection Board and partially by Korean Commercial Arbitration Board. Online ADR is expected to expand its area to commercial disputes in offline in the future. In response to this, Korean Commercial Arbitration Board, which is an organization for commercial dispute resolution, needs to be restructured.

• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.253-266
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• 2018

This paper proposes a methodology applying sequence tagging methodology to improve the performance of NER(Named Entity Recognition) used in QA system. In order to retrieve the correct answers stored in the database, it is necessary to switch the user's query into a language of the database such as SQL(Structured Query Language). Then, the computer can recognize the language of the user. This is the process of identifying the class or data name contained in the database. The method of retrieving the words contained in the query in the existing database and recognizing the object does not identify the homophone and the word phrases because it does not consider the context of the user's query. If there are multiple search results, all of them are returned as a result, so there can be many interpretations on the query and the time complexity for the calculation becomes large. To overcome these, this study aims to solve this problem by reflecting the contextual meaning of the query using Bidirectional LSTM-CRF. Also we tried to solve the disadvantages of the neural network model which can't identify the untrained words by using ontology knowledge based feature. Experiments were conducted on the ontology knowledge base of music domain and the performance was evaluated. In order to accurately evaluate the performance of the L-Bidirectional LSTM-CRF proposed in this study, we experimented with converting the words included in the learned query into untrained words in order to test whether the words were included in the database but correctly identified the untrained words. As a result, it was possible to recognize objects considering the context and can recognize the untrained words without re-training the L-Bidirectional LSTM-CRF mode, and it is confirmed that the performance of the object recognition as a whole is improved.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.123-133
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• 1981

If we are to define that the traditional costume is a comprehensive expression of the culture, thoughts, and arts of a country, it is needless to say that the traditional costume would have always reflected the social and cultural aspects of the times. In order words, the cultural contemplation of a certain people at some point the history is only possible when we observe the distintive features of the costume worn by the people of respective times. Although the Korean people had the native costume of its own from the times of the Ancient Choson to the Three Kingdoms of Koguryo, Paekche, and Silla, the Chinese influence on Korean traditional costume became somewhat pronounced ever since the Silla strenghtened the political ties with the T'ang dynasty in China, and it came to a climax when the dual structure in Korean native costume, being compounded with the Chinese touch, continued to be prevailed from the era of the Unified Silla to the Koryo and throughout the succeeding Yi dynasty, thereby copying the typical aspects of Chinese pattern in clothing and dresses worn by the ruling classes, namely the goverment officials including the Kings. Therefore, it is our aim to study the pattern of Chinese influence on our traditional costume, as well as social and cultural aspects by way of contrasting and comparing our official outfit system, which had been developing in dualism since the era of the Unified Silla, with that of China, and to trace in part the Korean traditional costume. In comparing our traditional official outfit system with that of China, we have basically concentrated on the comparison of the official outfit systems during the periods of the Three Kingdoms, the Koryo, and The Yi dynasty with that of corresponding era of Chinese history, namely the dynasties of T'ang, Sung, and Ming, and followed the documentary records for the comparison. Koreans had fallen into the practice of worshipping the powerful in China and begun to adopt the culture and institutions of the T'ang dynasty since the founding of the Unified Silla. From this time forth, Korean people started to wear the clothes in Chinese style. The style of clothing during the period of the Koryo Kingdom was deeply influenced by that of the T'ang and Sung dynasties in China, and it was also under the influenced of the Yuan dynasty(dynasty established by the Mongols) at one time, because of the Koryo's subordinative position to the Yuan. At the close of the Koryo dynasty, the King Kongmin ordered the stoppage on the use of 'Ji-Joung', the name of an era for the Yuan dynasty, in May of the eighteenth year of his rule in order to have the royal authority recognized by a newly rising power dominating the Chinese continent, the Mind. Kind Kongmin presented a memorial, repaying a kindness to the Emperor T'aejo of the Ming dynasty in celebration of his enthronement and requested that the emperor choose an official outfit, thereby the Chinese influence being converted to that of the Ming. As a matter of course, the Chinese influence deepened all the more during the era of the Yi dynasty coupled with the forces of the toadyic ideology of worshipping the China, dominant current of the times, and the entire costume, from the imperial crown and robe to the official outfit system of government officials, such as official uniforms, ordinary clothes, sacrificial robes, and court dresses followed the Chinese style in their design. Koreans did not have the opportunity of developing the official outfit system on its own and they just wore the official outfit designated on separate occasions by the emperors of China, whenever the changes in dynasty occurred in the continent. Especially, the Chinese influence had greatly affected in leading our consciousness on the traditional costume to the consciousness of the class and authority. Judging from the results, Koreans had been attaching weight to the formulation of the traditional outfit system for the ruling classes in all respective times of the history and the formulation of the system was nothing more than the simple following of the Chinese system.

• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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• v.16 no.3
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• pp.121-145
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• 2010

University timetabling depending on the educational environments of universities is an NP-hard problem that the amount of computation required to find solutions increases exponentially with the problem size. For many years, there have been lots of studies on university timetabling from the necessity of automatic timetable generation for students' convenience and effective lesson, and for the effective allocation of subjects, lecturers, and classrooms. Timetables are classified into a course timetable and an examination timetable. This study focuses on the former. In general, a course timetable for liberal arts is scheduled by the office of academic affairs and a course timetable for major subjects is scheduled by each department of a university. We found several problems from the analysis of current course timetabling in departments. First, it is time-consuming and inefficient for each department to do the routine and repetitive timetabling work manually. Second, many classes are concentrated into several time slots in a timetable. This tendency decreases the effectiveness of students' classes. Third, several major subjects might overlap some required subjects in liberal arts at the same time slots in the timetable. In this case, it is required that students should choose only one from the overlapped subjects. Fourth, many subjects are lectured by same lecturers every year and most of lecturers prefer the same time slots for the subjects compared with last year. This means that it will be helpful if departments reuse the previous timetables. To solve such problems and support the effective course timetabling in each department, this study proposes a university timetabling support system based on two phases. In the first phase, each department generates a timetable template from the most similar timetable case, which is based on case-based reasoning. In the second phase, the department schedules a timetable with the help of interactive user interface under the timetabling criteria, which is based on rule-based approach. This study provides the illustrations of Hanshin University. We classified timetabling criteria into intrinsic and extrinsic criteria. In intrinsic criteria, there are three criteria related to lecturer, class, and classroom which are all hard constraints. In extrinsic criteria, there are four criteria related to 'the numbers of lesson hours' by the lecturer, 'prohibition of lecture allocation to specific day-hours' for committee members, 'the number of subjects in the same day-hour,' and 'the use of common classrooms.' In 'the numbers of lesson hours' by the lecturer, there are three kinds of criteria : 'minimum number of lesson hours per week,' 'maximum number of lesson hours per week,' 'maximum number of lesson hours per day.' Extrinsic criteria are also all hard constraints except for 'minimum number of lesson hours per week' considered as a soft constraint. In addition, we proposed two indices for measuring similarities between subjects of current semester and subjects of the previous timetables, and for evaluating distribution degrees of a scheduled timetable. Similarity is measured by comparison of two attributes-subject name and its lecturer-between current semester and a previous semester. The index of distribution degree, based on information entropy, indicates a distribution of subjects in the timetable. To show this study's viability, we implemented a prototype system and performed experiments with the real data of Hanshin University. Average similarity from the most similar cases of all departments was estimated as 41.72%. It means that a timetable template generated from the most similar case will be helpful. Through sensitivity analysis, the result shows that distribution degree will increase if we set 'the number of subjects in the same day-hour' to more than 90%.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.2
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• pp.1-15
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• 2016

This study aims at the consideration of the usages of traditional waterscape elements, which are difficult to define their concepts and their differences and it has been proceeded mainly with analysis of literature. It elicited various waterscape types by extracting the place names associated with the watersacpe elements from the chapter "Sancheon" of the volumes Gyeongsang-province in "Sinjeung Donggukyeojiseungram", which is a government-compiled geography book in the early period of Joseon Dynasty, and drew the features of each waterscape element by interpreting the dictionary definition and the original text and studying the similar examples. The results of study are drawn as follows. 1. The chapter "Sancheon" includes 22 types of waterscape elements and they are classified by means of locations and water-flow forms: River Landscape, Lake & Pond Landscape, Coast landscape. 2. River landscape maintaining constant natural water-flow constitutes the linear type, related to the class of stream, which includes 'Su(water)', 'Gang(river)', 'Cheon(stream)' and 'Gye(brook)' and the dotty type, created by the nature of trenched meander rivers, which includes 'Tan(beach)', 'Roe(rapids)', 'Pok(waterfall)' and 'Jeo(sandbank)'. 3. Lake & Pond Landscape forming water collected in a certain area constitutes 'Ho(lake)', which is a broad and calm spot created around mid and down stream of river, 'Yeon(pool)', 'Dam(pond)', 'Chu(small pond)', which are naturally created on the water path around mid and down stream of river, 'Ji(pond)', 'Dang(pond)', 'Taek(swamp)', which is collected on a flatland and 'Cheon(spring)', 'Jeong(spring)' which means gushing out naturally. 4. Coast Landscape includes 'Ryang', 'Hang', which are the space between land and an island or islands, 'Got(headland)' which sticks out from the coast into the sea, 'Jeong(sandbank)' which forms sandy beaches and 'Do' which shows high appearance frequency by reflecting the geographical importance of islands. This study comprehended the diversity of traditional waterscape elements and drew the fact that they are the concept reflecting the differentiated locational, scenic and functional features. That way, it understood the aesthetic sense on nature, which ancestors had formed with the interests in natural landscape and the keen observation on it, became the basic idea elucidating the characteristic on Korean traditional gardens, which minimize the artificiality and make nature the subject.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.52-77
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• 2016

A spirit tablet of king Guan Yu is enshrined in Donggwanwangmyo shrine[East Shrine of King Guan Yu], which houses 51 hanging boards. The hanging boards were written by the kings of Joseon Dynasty and envoys and generals of the Ming and Qing Dynasties. Most studies on hanging boards have been focused on the collections of the palaces but not on those in Donggwanwangmyo shrine. In this regard, this study researches the hanging boards of the kings' writings in the late Joseon period and analyzes their forms and contents. In terms of contents, it examines who made the boards, when they made them, and what brought them to make them, etc. This study analyzes the forms of hanging boards by types, used materials, and periodic transition of forms. The findings are as follows. First, Donggwanwangmyo shrine houses 7 pieces of hanging boards inscribed with kings' handwriting: one piece of King Sukjong, 4 pieces of King Yeongjo, and 2 pieces of Emperor Gojong. They are divided into two types: one is the name of the buildings and the other is the poems that the kings wrote regarding what they felt when they visited the shrine. Especially, the latter were written by the kings who visited the shrine in spring and autumn. The kings intended to promote peace of royal family through a sense of royalty and fidelity of King Guan Yu. Second, the hanging boards of the kings are differentiated from those of the envoys and generals of the Ming and Qing Dynasties in materials and forms. The background of the board is colored by blue, deep red lacquer color, and black lacquer color, which are more expensive than black color or white color. The hanging boards are embossed with the kings' handwritings and then colored with gold. The frame-style four-side hanging board is held at a 45-degree angle and painted with floral patterns and seven-treasure patterns in Dancheong technique. The left and right sides and the top and bottom sides of the board are decorated with Dang-cho pattern(Korean arabesque pattern). This style is called "quadrilateral"and considered the most classy and top-class among the other three ones. In conclusion, this study confirms the status of Donggwanwangmyo shrine with hanging boards inscribed with kings' handwritings as a political space where kings had interest and demanded their soldiers' royalty and fidelity. Research into the boards inscribed with the handwritings of envoys of the Ming Dynasty and generals of the Qing Dynasty, and the comparison of the styles and periodic transition of forms will be reserved for another study.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.40
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• pp.243-272
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• 2022

Jeongeup, Jeollabuk-do, is an area that requires attention from those who study the history of Korean thought. In addition, Jeongeup is an area wherein many works were recorded for the first time in literary history. This is the case with Jeongeupsa as a style of Baekje songs and the lyrics of the noble families of the Joseon Dynasty, Sangchungok. Jeongeup is likewise the location where Choi Chi-won (857~?) was selected to serve as a local taesu (viceroy) and where a unique tradition of music and style were passed down. In this paper, the relationship between Choi Chi-won's role in the process of establishing a silent Confucian academy in Jeongeup and the emergence of scholar culture was examined. When Choi Chi-won left after his term in office, a birth shrine called Taesansa Temple was built to repay the selection of the villagers, and it became the source that led to the opening of the Confucian academy Museongseowon in the future. Jeongeup will be shown to be the location where Choi Chi-won realized his aspirations and honed his capabilities. In particular, Choi Chi-won's played a crucial role in the mid-Joseon Dynasty by supporting the construction and securing the name of Museongseowon. That is why Choi Chi-won was able to be revived as a symbolic figure in the region. In addition, it can be seen that the shape of Choi Chi-won was more sedentary- in the form of a Confucian scholar- and Confucian scholars emphasized the transfer of portraits at Museongseowon. Through the poetry written by Choi Chi-won, readers can learn about the worries and perceptions of scholars during those times. Although his value in the field of poetry is diverse, he can especially be recognized as a Confucian intellectual. In a large number of his works, he expresses his anxiety, agony, and critical inner consciousness all of which came from his encounter with the realities of his time. In fact, Choi Chi-won showed his qualities as a prominent literary figure of his time who had extraordinary aspirations and an admirable work ethic. However, he failed to overcome his regional and mental alienation as a poet in neighboring countries. Therefore, he internalized a sort of fierceness in terms of his perception of the world. However, it seems that it was rather a factor that made his work exhibit a strong lyrical style. In addition, Choi Chi-won's collection of writings includes a number of works that strongly criticized various forms of pathological phenomena caused by terminal phenomena of the time. He also highlighted the wrong in society by realistically depicting the lives poor and needy people and their eventual sacrifice via distorted relationships. This can be read encapsulating the agony of intellectuals of that time. The dictionary definition of a 'Confucian scholar' is "a Confucian term referring to a person or class that embodies Confucian ideology," and in its contemporary meaning it suggests " ⋯ an example of a personality, but not an identity, and the conscience of one's time period as a source of human morality inwardly and social order outwardly." In this respect, it could even be said that Choi Chi-won could be considered the originator of scholar culture.