• 한국한의학연구원논문집
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• 제17권3호
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• pp.1-8
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• 2011

In the late Joseon Dynasty, a bulky volume of books, which had rarely been seen, poured out including "Imwongyeongjeji", "Japdongsani", "Songnamjapsik" and "Ohjuyeonmunjaangjeonsango". such sorts of books have a characteristic that an author collected various pieces of information, which were scatter away at that time, in one's own way and compiled them into a book rather than an author's own remarks or ideas. Most authors of such books were known to have made not a few book beside bulky books. Such a trend of the times doubled its revitalization with the influx of that books in a series that were popular especially in the period of Ming State & Ching State in China. The research work on such a trend once showed not a little progress by a few faithful researchers even under the circumstances where they were overwhelmed by the bulkiness of a book in a series itself and its target volume. However, in spite of not a little fruition of such studies, there has been no comments at all on the new factors of change faced by Oriental medicine in the climate of the intellect history in the late Joseon Dynasty. Thus, this study aimed at looking at the significance of medical-history-based studies on this matter on the basis of Park, Jiwon's "Keumryosocho", and Lee, Deokmu's "Iemokgushimseo", and suggesting the further task. The conclusions obtained from the analysis of "Keumryosocho" and "Iemokgusimseo" are as follows: 1.The prescriptions cited from the sorts of writings excluded entirely the medical theories on the principles of prescription, and they are composed of a single-medicine prescription or so, which made it easier even for those who lacked a special knowledge of medicine to use it; in addition, it was easy to get medicinal ingredients in most cases. It's presumed that such a composition of medicinal ingredients had a close relation with the difficulty in the supply of medicinal ingredients, which issue became a serious issue in the late Joseon Dynasty. 2. The prescriptions originating from the sorts of writings sometimes are mixed with the ones whose medical efficiency are doubted. This means the inherence of obstacles to delivering accurate medical knowledge couldn't be avoided because the initial purpose of such sorts of writings lay in popularity than practicality. 3. In spite of such problems, the prescriptions originating from writings seems to have not a few influences on the intellectuals in the late Joseon Dynasty, and it's possible for us to take a glance on the traces of their use of these prescriptions in an actual daily life. This fact is fully confirmed by the contents in the preface of "Keumryosocho" that Park-jiwon personally tried to write a prescription. Moreover, such facts can be also confirmed from the fact that the writings of China or our country are seen quite often among the writings which were incited by Seo, Yugu's "Injeji." Like this, the fact that the information of orthodox medicine and the one originating from general books other than medicine books were integrated at one place is plainly showing a phase of the intellect history in the late Joseon Dynasty deluged with information; because of such a characteristic, we can say that Oriental medicine became plentiful in the aspect of diversity with its expansion of denotation, but Oriental medicine could not but additionally assume the problem of having to distinguish good from bad in the midst of such a situation.

• Journal of Astronomy and Space Sciences
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• 제26권4호
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• pp.589-602
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• 2009

조선(朝鮮)의 보천가(步天歌) 가운데 가장 나중인 1862년에 간행된 신법보천가(新法步天歌)를 연구하였다. 청(淸)에서 들어온 신법천문학(新法天文學)의 영향으로 구도보천가(舊圖步天歌)의 성도(星圖)만을 고쳐서 새로 신도보천가(新圖步天歌)를 간행하였다. 그러나 옛 가결(歌訣)이 새로운 성도(星圖)와 맞지 않았고, 이에 따라 천문학자를 뽑는 과거 시험에 혼란이 일어났다. 이것을 극복하고자 조선(朝鮮)의 관상감(觀象監)은, 1845년에 청(淸)에서 간행된 흠정의상고성속편(欽定儀象考成續編)의 권(卷)3인 성도보천가(星圖步天歌)를 전재하고 주석을 달아, 1862년에 신법보천가(新法步天歌)를 출간하였다. 이 책은 중인(中人)인 이준양(李俊養)이 편찬하고 토대부(土大夫)인 남병길(南秉吉)이 교정(校正)하였다. 우리는 이준양(李俊養)의 열대기를 처음으로 재구성하였다. 신법보천가(新法步天歌)에는 기존의 조선(朝鮮) 보천가(步天歌)들이 갖는 특정을 유지하려는 노력이 엿보인다. 즉, 각 숙(宿)의 제목이 기존의 형식을 따르고 있고, 또한 기존의 조선(朝鮮) 보천가(步天歌)들에 천하기몰(天河起沒)이 있음을 의식하고 흠정의상고성속편(欽定儀象考成續編)의 권(卷)31과 권(卷)32의 천한적도경위도표(天漢赤道經緯度表)를 바탕으로 천한계도(天漢界度)를 저술하였다.

• 동의생리병리학회지
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• 제16권6호
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• pp.1085-1091
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• 2002

Chang Chung-ching(張仲景) in the Later Han(Eastern Han) Dynasty of Chinese history wrote the treatise on Diseases Caused by Cold Factors(傷寒論; Shang Han Lun) on the basis of the fundamental theory of Emperor's Classic of Internal Medicine(黃帝內經; ECIM) after collecting medical treatment experiences until the Han Dynasty. It had great significance that Shang Han Lun was the origin of treating six-channels(六經) and there showed the peculiar guidelines on the diagnosis and treatment of oriental medicine to divide diseases into six-channels. The oriental medical doctors who had studied Shang Han Run thought highly of meridians and until now it was generally known that the chapter of heat in the Plain Questions of ECIM(黃帝內經, 素問ㆍ熱論) was the basis of Shang Han Run. The chapter of heat in the Plain Questions of ECIM was the first text in which the basic theory on six-channels according to the types of illness was introduced. In my point of view, the theory of treating six-channels had close relation to the Chapter of Channels in Miraculous Pivot of ECIM(黃帝內經, 靈樞ㆍ經脈篇) as well as the chapter of heat in the Plain Questions of ECIM. Therefore I took a look at the origin of treating six-channels in Shang Han Lun and illuminated again the meaning to compare the parts of in Shang Han Lun with the Chapter of Channels in Miraculous Pivot of ECIM. Conclusion: The, symptoms divided into six-channels in the chapter of channels in ECIM gave the fundamental basis of diagnosis and treatment basesd on overall analysis of signs and symptoms(辨證論治) an illness in the Zangfu(臟腑) in respect of meridians. Viewed in the light of diagnosis and treatment basesd on overall analysis of signs and symptoms(辨證論治), the symptoms of YangMing-channel(陽明經) in the Chapter of Channels in Miraculous Pivot of ECIM were, for the most part, accord with those of YangMing-disease in Shang Han Lun. Furthermore, the symptoms in Shang Han Lun were explained definitely and in detail. Therefore the theory of Shang Han Lun has been developed on the basis of ECIM with the changes of the times. YangMing-disease in Shang Han Lun implied medical cases in stomach meridian(胃經) and large intestine meridian(大腸經). Therefore Shang Han Lun was the foundation of treatment basesd on overall analysis of signs and symptoms(辨證論治) in respect of meridian as well as the text in which the steps of infectious diseases(外感病) of human bodies were explained.

• 고전문학과교육
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• 제15호
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• pp.329-353
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• 2008

Tasan Jeong Yak-yong is great scholar, who makes a synthesis of Sil-hak[實學, Practical Science of Korea], reformer of society, and a poet in the Joseon Dynasty. He expressed contradiction and conflict of those days by intellectual language, and reperceived basic ideology of the Joseon society. Also he theorized dissatisfaction of the people about those days and its system as form of religion. We can divide Tasan's life into two times. The first part is his ages 16~39 in the period of Jeong-jo(1777~1800). The second part is in the period of Sun-jo(1801~1834). In this period, he was exiled into Gang-jin for 17 years. After banishment, he lived a quiet life for the rest of his life in his hometown. His allegoric poetry were written in this second period. The special feature of allegoric poetry is strong satire. An allegory would be that is 'king's ear', which the barber has sight, or the barber's voice, which has divulged king's secret among the bamboos. Otherwise it would be that is the sound 'king's ear is donkey's ear' in the bamboos. This sound is divulging of the true donkey's ear. It doesn't travel to audiences, but travels trough wind in the bamboos. The narration exists just as story that barber can't stand to keep silence about king's secret. There are exposure of true and critical motive as allegoric expression. Tasan's allegoric poetry stand on the basis of his love for the people. Also there reveals his thought deeply with an enormous amount of reading and self-communion. Moreover there are his warm mind with his sharp insight in which captures alive lives as allegoric materials. Most of allegoric poetry satirize actuality of those days to make an excuse for external distinguishing marks of animals and plants. However Tasan's poetry are different from them. After he grasped serious problems from his contemporary actuality, and then choosed allegoric media to express correctly. Because he grasped the special features of lives after minute observation, he could exposure controversial point of the actual. His sharp insight was not limited to allegoric media. He noticed his period and the current of his society sensitively. It made his allegoric poetry as important materials to make us to know the condition of the people in the Joseon Dynasty. Tasan's allegoric poetry is inherited by Baek Seok[白石, 1912~1995] as regular juvenile literature. Baek Seok's juvenile stories are the results of expansion and transition for Tasan's allegoric poetry. Allegoric poetry was the shout of barber to prosecute about social irregularities and contradiction, and the sound of the bamboos to travel moaning of the people in the past. Now allegoric poetry create new emotion to make us to speculate ourselves with our surrounding. This changes are caused by special feature of allegoric poetry as a form to reflect our general lives.

• 한국철학논집
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• 제25호
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• pp.411-437
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• 2009

일반적으로 왕양명으로부터 유종주에로의 사상적 전환은 곧 '주체성(主體性)'에 대한 강조에서 '의향성(意向性)'에 대한 강조로의 전환으로 해석된다. 이러한 주체성에 대한 강조에서부터 의향성에 대한 강조로의 전환은 왕양명이 제시한 사구교와 이에 대한 비판을 기초로 유종주가 새롭게 제시하는 사구교의 차이에서 두드러지게 나타난다. 왕양명이 말년에 제시한 사구교 사상에 대한 논란은 양명 생전부터 있어왔으며 이는 양명 사후에도 끊임없이 논란의 대상이 되었다. 사구교에 대한 논란으로 말미암아 양명학파는 분화의 과정을 겪게 되었으며, 이는 또한 명말청초 학술계에서 주요 논쟁 중의 하나로 자리잡게 되었다. 유종주의 사구교에 대한 비판과 재해석 또한 이러한 논쟁 과정을 통해 산출된 결과물이라 하겠다. 왕양명과 유종주의 심학의 차이는 '의'에 대한 서로 다른 해석에서 말미암는다. 주지하다시피 왕양명에게 있어 '의'는 마음의 발한 이발의 상태에 있는 것이지만, 유종주가 말하는 '의'는 마음 속에 내재하여 마음이 마음일 수 있는 근거가 되는 존재이다. 이러한 '의'에 대한 해석 차이로 말미암아 유종주는 궁극적으로 왕양명의 사구교와는 다른 내용의 새로운 사구교 사상을 제시하기에 이른다. 양명학 비판에 있어 그는 왕양명의 본래 의미에 대한 충분한 이해없이 자기 자신의 개인적인 견해를 바탕으로 양명학을 해석한 면이 없지 않았고, 또한 자기 자신이 이해한 "대학"의 의리(義理)를 기준으로 삼아 양명학의 시비를 판단하는 경향을 보이고 있다. 따라서 그의 양명학에 대한 비판은 종종 이치에 맞지 않는 면도 있다. 비록 유종주의 양명학에 대한 이해와 이를 바탕으로 한 양명학에 대한 비판이 비합리적인 요소를 내포하고 있다고 하나, 유종주의 양명학에 대한 견해는 나름대로의 의의가 있다. 유종주의 양명학 비판은 단순히 왕양명 사상을 비판하기 위한 것이 아니라 시대적인 병폐를 치유하기 위한 것이었다. 이 결과 그는 왕양명 사구교에 대한 새로운 해석을 통해 자신만의 독특한 심학이론을 제시하게 되는 것이다.

• 대한한의정보학회지
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• 제17권1호
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• pp.147-202
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• 2011

The topic of this study is the translation of "Byun Jeung Rok Vol.XI(辨證錄十一卷)". Byun Jeung Rok is a complete book of medicine which was written by Jin Sa tak(陣士鐸) in the early years of the Ching dynasty. Of this, the eleventh volume is composed of 6 disease-patterns(病證) and 41 subtopics. The organized characteristics of "Byun Jeung Rok(辨證錄) Vol.XI" is as follows. Chapter 1 refers to the symtom, agent and prescription of Hysterorrhea(帶下病). It explains five color Hysterorrhea; white, red, black, yellow and blue. Chapter 2 refers to the symtom, agent and prescription of Oligemic Menoschesis(血枯). It explains two cases of Menoschesis. Chapter 3 refers to the symtom, agent and prescription of Metrorrhagia(血崩). It explains eight cases of Metrorrhagia. Chapter 4 refers to the symtom, agent and prescription of Dysmenorrhea(月經不調). It explains fourteen cases of Dysmenorrhea. Chapter 5 refers to the symtom, agent and prescription of Infertilitas(不姙). It explains ten cases of Infertilitas. Chapter 6 refers to the symtom, agent and prescription of Hyperemesis(惡阻). It explains two cases of Hyperemesis. Obviously the Byun Jeung Rok(辨證錄) is one of the very important texts in the oriental medicine. But there is no exact Korean translation, so I study this six chapters and translate them into Korean. Finally, I hope this thesis can be an aid of development in the knowledge informatization of Korean medicine.

• 복식문화연구
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• 제10권2호
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• pp.160-177
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• 2002

Wedding ceremony is a most basic and significant rite of religion. Clothing fur the ceremony is also assumed religious in essence. Thus this study focuses on ideas and religious qualities implied in wedding dresses for women in the latter period of Chosen. Among those wedding dresses for women in the public class, in this study, Yeom-Eui(염의), Won-Sam(원삼) in green and Hwal-Ot(활옷) are discussed. Yeom-Eui seemed preferred by only some of the nobel class who still considered manners and customs as very important. The rest people often wore a brilliant Hwal-Ot rather than Yeom-Eui under influences of a loosened social position system and sumptuous moods. Since a wedding is the reflection of social condition and at the same time a religious rite, the above mentioned difference in wedding dresses between the class of scholars obsessed with Confucianism and the rest public seems attributable to differences in values and religious views between the two groups. Of course, Hwal-Ot was also transmitted from the Chinese nation of Tang, so it complied with a contemporary flunkeyism about Chinese culture. Won-Sam and Hwal-Ot were designed with patterns representing the very significance of wedding and those wishing worldly blessings more children and more sons, longevity and wealth and prosperity. The fact that wishes of more children and more sons were more often implied by patterns of wedding dress in the latter Chosen indicates the legitimate oldest son-oriented patriarchical family system at that time influenced to such contemporary dresses. Meanwhile, those patterns used for Won-Sam and Hawl-Ot were influenced mainly by Confucianism, but sometimes based on Buddhism and Taoism. It suggests that the Chosun dynasty emphasized Confucian manners and customs to restore previous values which had been about to be collapsed since wars with the Chinese Ching and Japan, but nevertheless in the public class, Buddhism and Taoism were more deeply prevailed. This was supported by patterns and colors shown in wedding clothing.

• Korean Journal of Acupuncture
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• 제27권1호
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• pp.151-158
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• 2010

Objectives and Methods: The present study was performed to investigate acupuncture point location of SI11 through reviewing literatures. Results: 1. The first description of the location of SI11 appeared in "ChimGuGabEulGyong(ZhenjiuJiayiJing)", however the point description was not precise. 2. The first proportional measurement for SI11 showed up after Ching dynasty, which describes "SI11 is the point obliquely superiour 1.7 B-cun and transeversly interior to SI9" however this does not match the present WHO's standard location of SI11. 3. The WHO standard location of SI11 is in the scapular region, in the depression between the upper one third and lower two thirds of the line connecting the midpoint of the spine of the scapula with the inferior angle of the scapula, but there is no evidence to support this in classical literatures. 4. Based on myology and theories of meridian, we suggest that it is more reasonable to locate SI11 at the point in the depression between the upper two third and lower one thirds, not the upper one third and lower two thirds, of the line connecting the midpoint of the spine of the scapula with the inferior angle of the scapula. Conclusions: More studies are needed for the more reliable standard location of SI11.

• 동양고전연구
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• 제33호
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• pp.7-29
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• 2008

장현광(張顯光)은 조선시대 자연학자 가운데 대표적인 인물 가운데 한 사람이다. 이 글은 그의 우주론 속에 함축된 상수학적 요소의 의의와 한계를 검토하는 데 목표를 둔다. 역학에서 상과 수는 만물의 분별과 그 상호관계, 그리고 그것들의 시간적 질서를 표현하는 개념 도구이다. 그것들은 음양을 결합함으로써 내부 운동인을 확보하고, 우주 만물에 대한 상수학적 해석과 설명의 틀을 구성하였다. 상수학적 우주론의 핵심적인 주장은 우주가 시 공간적으로 유한하며, 그것과 반대로 리(태극)는 무한하다고 하는 것이다. 리가 시 공간적 무한하다는 것은 도덕원리가 절대적이고 항상적임을 의미한다. 이를 통해 장현광은 자신의 우주론이 주자학의 도덕형이상학과 순조롭게 결합될 수 있도록 하였다. 장현광은 역서(易書)를 자연 이해의 준거 또는 범형(範形)으로 강조하는 경향을 보였다. 이는 불완전하나마 소옹에게서 나타났던 법칙 객관주의를 질곡하고, 그의 법칙 개념으로 하여금 경험이나 지식의 확장과 더불어 스스로를 갱신해 가기 어렵게 만들었다. 이러한 이론적 한계에도 불구하고 그의 상수학적 우주론은 당시 성리학의 자연학적 근거를 마련했다는 점에서 긍정적으로 평가할 수 있다.

• Journal of Astronomy and Space Sciences
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• 제26권4호
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• pp.603-620
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• 2009

1792년 조선에서 출간된 새로운 보천가(步天歌)는 기존 보천가(步天歌)의 가결(歌訣)을 약간 수정하고 여기에 중국의 새로운 항성 관측 자료를 바탕으로 성립된 성도(星圖)를 합하여 작성된 것이다. 기존의 조선(朝鮮) 보천가(步天歌)의 배열 순서는 송대(宋代)의 보천가(步天歌)를 따랐으나, 이 보천가(步天歌)는 명대(明代) 이후의 보천가(步天歌)를 따르고 있다. 이 보천가(步天歌)의 성도(星圖)에서 자미원(紫微垣)은 12차(次)와 12진(辰)를 사용하여 구획하고 있고, 28숙(宿)는 3개나 4개씩 묶어서 그리되 각 그룹은 12진(辰)으로도 영역을 표시하였다. 그러나 28숙(宿)의 가결(歌訣)에는 기존의 조선 성도(星圖)들과 마찬가지로 황도십이궁을 채용하고 있다. 각 성도(星圖)는 그 적경 범위 안에 들어있는 모든 별을 그린 것이 아니라 그 원(垣)이나 숙(宿)에 소속된 별자리만을 그렸다. 이 보천가(步天歌)는 의상지(義象志)를 활용했고, 그 주석(注釋)과 비슷한 내용을 1700년 무렵의 중국 문헌에서 찾을 수 있다. 이 문헌들은 1709년에 동시에 조선으로 수입되었다. 우리는 피휘, 참숙(參宿)와 자숙(宿)의 도치, 그리고 1791년에 운관절목(雲觀節目)을 개정할 때 기존의 보천가(步天歌)를 대신하여 이 보천가 취재(取才)에 사용된 사설 등으로부터 우리는 이 보천가(步天歌)의 작성 시기를 고찰해 보았다. 그 결과, 1792년에 출간된 보천가(步天歌)의 성도(星圖)와 주석(注釋)은 그 모본(母本)에 해당하는 것이 중국에서 작성되어 1709년에 조선으로 수입되었고, 1709년과 1791년 사이에 새로운 보천가(步天歌)로 작성되어 사용되다가, 1792년에 출간되었다고 추론하였다. 이러한 추론을 뒷받침하기 위해 필요한 추가 연구에 대해 토의하였다.