• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.35-44
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• 1993

Two hundred and fifty tow Korean-Chinese women were administere the Questionnaire regarding child-rearing practice and husband-wife relations, with an assumption that Korean-Chinese in Yanbian area would preserve the traditional value in family lief because of the cultureal frozen phenomena. The results of the data for the present study revealed that they keep some traditional child-rearing practice such as the prenatal education and the first-year birthday party. However, the value of boy preference was not widely prevalent in the society. On the other hand the equality in husband-wife relation was not found to be attained even though in Communist society.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.23 no.5
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• pp.223-230
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• 2023

The People's Republic of China's influence in the international community is growing in political, economic, military, and diplomatic spheres. The "reform and opening-up" policy proposed and implemented at the 11th Plenary Session of the CPC Central Committee in December 1978 under Deng Xiaoping led to the rapid growth of China's economic and military power. The establishment of the National Defense Mobilization Commission in 1994 during Jiang Zemin's presidency also promoted defense mobilization, and the Standing Committees of the 9th, 10th, and 11th National People's Congresses, held since December 1998, formulated plans for defense mobilization legislation, and the first draft of the Defense Mobilization Law was approved in August 2008. In November 2005, under the leadership of President Hu Jintao, the draft Defense Mobilization Law passed the Standing Committee of the State Council, and in February 2010, the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress passed it after several rounds of deliberation and amendment, and the Defense Mobilization Law has been promulgated and implemented since July 1, 2010. The People's Republic of China is ruled by the one-party dictatorship of the Communist Party of China and the People's Liberation Army, the armed forces of the Communist Party of China. In this paper, it reviews the contents of the Defense Mobilization Law of China, a totalitarian state, analyzes and evaluates the issues.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.4 no.2 s.8
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• pp.1-32
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• 2004

Korean scientific community has recently argued that, in order to attract talented young people to the science and engineering fields, more ranking positions in the governmental office should be filled in by science and engineering majors. In this context, a special attention has been paid to the Chinese case where science and engineering majors have taken the highest places in Chinese political hierarchy. This paper examines historical and social background of the salience of science and engineering fields in modem China. A closer examination shows that the salience of science and engineering fields was resulted by the distinct historical experiences of China-the socialist reform of higher education system and Cultural Revolution. The former shaped the social conviction that humanities and social sciences are less useful than science and engineering fields. The latter even spread the idea that majoring in humanities or social sciences run the risk of political oppressions. Thus, the salience of science and engineering in China is a social phenomenon reflecting an academic hierarchy forced by the radical politics of modem China. Also, the higher proportion of science and engineering majors in the raking governmental officers has been resulted by a unique Chinese political system, in particular the personnel management system of the Chinese Communist Party that emphasizes practical experiences after college graduation. The comparison of the social position of science and engineering majors in China and Korea without taking account of such historical and social background may therefore mislead our understanding of the cause of and counterplan to the decreasing popularity of science and engineering fields in Korean universities.

• International Commerce and Information Review
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• v.15 no.4
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• pp.457-479
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• 2013

Through a Chinese rise, Chinese dream is actualizing as the world's great power. According to outlook of World Bank and IMF, Around 2030 China will be a great power bigger than America's economic power. The rise of China will give a huge impact to the whole world. China expands her influence through a global manufacturing base and a global market. To actualize 'Peaceful Rise' Strategy, China has many constraints. Chinese society is facing many difficult social problem due to side effects of a rapid development. Such as the spread of corruption, the severity of wealth gap, environmental degradation and energy shortage. Internationally there are containment from hegemon so-called 'China threat' dispute, Taiwan issue and territorial disputes. Western countries are hostile to China for two reasons. Based on expectations, one is China's socialist system and the other is the rising China which will compete for supremacy with Europe and America. Recent emergence of Chinese nationalism and the containment of the neighboring countries are also serious limiting factors. Domestically they have the rampant corruption in the bureaucracy, weakened capacity of Communist rule, wealth disparity due to the discriminatory economic development strategy, seriousness of rural problem, social instability, lack of social security systems and the development gap between the eastern coastal areas and western inland areas, ethnic minorities problems, the constraint of sustainable development issues due to lack of resources, environmental pollution and energy constraints. Like the former Soviet Union, China may face a dismantlement. After the rise, China may encounter possibilities of a war between great powers or a collapse of Chinese society caused by deepening internal conflict. Serious economic polarization would make peasants and urban workers, who are social vulnerable people, to turn their back to communist party and threaten the justification and the appropriateness of the ruling communist party. Chinese government will think internal system security threat is more formidable risk factor than a system security threat from the hegemon. The decline of great country comes from internal reasons rather than external reasons. To achieve peaceful rise, unification with Taiwan is an essential prerequisite. Taiwan issues are complex problems which equipped with international and domestic factors. Lack of energy resources, environmental pollution in China will bring economic crisis to Korean enterprises. Important influence to Korean economy will be a changeover of the method in economic development. It will turn the balance of investment and consumption, GDP-centered growth to consumption and environment-centered growth. Services industries including finance, environment, culture, education, health care and social welfare will grow. Change in China's growth model will give a great challenge upon the intermediate goods industry in Korea. Korea should reduce the portion of machinery, automotive, semiconductor, steel and chemical-centered export industry to China, and should increase the proportion of the service industry.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.1-6
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• 2004

On 27 June 2004, some one million voters went to the polls in Mongolia to elect 76 members of the Great State Hural, Mongolia's parliament. It was the fourth election held in Mongolia under the 1992 constitution. In the previous election, the former communist MPRP won a landslide, ousting the government of former democracy activists. Under the MPRP, Mongolia's economy performed extraordinary well. Surprisingly, the ruling Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party (MPRP) lost its two-thirds majority and half its parliamentarians in the 2004 election. But the Motherland Democracy Coalition (MDC), a coalition of Mongolia's most influential opposition parties, fell short of achieving a majority of its own. After the election, a grand coalition government was formed, paving the way for profound legal, social, and economic reforms.

• Journal of Daesoon Thought and the Religions of East Asia
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.109-128
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• 2023

Recent research shows that since the early 2000s, the Chinese Communist Party has increasingly used various cultural heritage sites, including Buddhist sites, as soft power agents. Furthermore, in the context of the Belt and Road Initiative, launched by the People's Republic of China, Buddhist temples, representatives, and practices have been harnessed to play a role in the state's agenda. In this context, White Horse Temple, as a feature of cultural tourism in Henan Province, is facing new opportunities and challenges. The article examines the material particularities of reconstructing the temple in light of this trajectory, building on materials retrieved at the site, and online representations of the temple. The author explores how the temple's unique spatiality and characteristics stress the use of soft power which harnesses online and offline cultural and popular trends for state agenda.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.30-48
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• 2019

China has initiated a series of "economic sanctions" against South Korea, affecting Korean pop stars visiting China and Korean investments in China. Sanctions were imposed on South Korea in response to the decision of South Korea to deploy Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) in 2016. Furthermore, the Global Daily assembled local population to boycott Korean products and investments in China. However, the Chinese Foreign Ministry has never positively confirmed these activities as economic sanctions to South Korea related to the THAAD installation. In other words, the Chinese government singled a relatively weak message via these sanctions to South Korea. As a result, the THADD implementation continued in South Korea. In the paper, I interpret China's rationale to impost puzzling economic sanctions, which have a weak resolution, to South Korea and Taiwan. As signaling theory argues, economic sanctions with insufficient resolution, which are more likely to fail, is a more provocative foreign policy. By reviewing China's sanctions usage to South Korea and Taiwan, I propose arguments of bureaucratic competition to answer why China launched such sanctions to other countries: those are caused by domestic institutions who are seeking reward from the Communist Party of China. By comparing shifts of leadership between domestic agencies, the paper provides evidence to support the proposed argument. I also include two alternative explanations to strengthen the proposed argument, albeit connecting the paper with other two larger streams of research, which address analyses of China's aggressive foreign policies as well as the domestic politics of economic sanctions.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.47-60
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• 2012

Sino-Japanese relations suffered a great setback during the premiership of Koizumi $Jun'ichir{\bar{o}}$ (2001-2006). Although many factors, such as dispute over the resources of the East China Sea or Japan's anxiety about China's growing military expenditures, are accountable for this situation, it was Koizumi's visits to the Yasukuni Shrine that became a symbol of the controversies between the two countries. The Yasukuni issue triggered a real eruption of profound anti-Japanese feelings among the Chinese people. While commentators in China accused Koizumi of glorifying militarism and whitewashing the atrocities committed by Japanese soldiers during the Second World War, the Japanese public started perceiving China's "exaggerated" reaction as a convenient diplomatic tool used by China to apply pressure on Japan in other bilateral disputes. On the one hand, spontaneous protests against Koizumi's visits to the Yasukuni Shrine constituted a great constraint in China's diplomacy towards Japan, but on the other, they also became an ideal pretext for adopting a tougher stance in Chinese foreign policy. In this paper, I examine different points of view on the Yasukuni issue. After describing the Japanese background of the visits to the controversial shrine, I analyze various interpretations of China's reaction to the problem. Although emotions dominated discourse on the Yasukuni issue both in Japan and China, some pragmatic attempts to use this problem can still be seen. Besides being a side-effect of Koizumi's strong personality, the Yasukuni issue could be used either as a tool of factional struggle in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) or as an instrument of Chinese foreign policy towards Japan.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.14 no.9
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• pp.218-226
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• 2014

China has become a G-2 Superpower country as result of rapid economic growth through the reform and opening-up in these days. It expressed its confidence by helding a few big international events, such as Bejing Olympic Games. Shanghai Expo. Though most Chinese people give their agreement and support to the government, there are serious, ill-concealed political problems behind the curtain in China. As a multi-ethnic nation, China has repeated experience of fragmentation and integration of various ethnic groups through her long history. In spite of top-level political leaders of communist party always concern the issues of separatism very sensitively, China has suffered occasional bloodshed terrorism because of erupting ethnic and religious conflicts. Especially there are many disruption and fear due to the bloodshed and terrorism by a minority race-seperatists of Uighur tribe in Xinjiang province. The Uighur in Xinjiang province is very different from major Chinese Han ethnically and culturally. Although Chinese government has presented various policies in order to suppress the Uighus's desire for seperation, they have not been able to offer a fundamental, satisfying solution. Because we, Korean people face the expansion of possibility of conflicts, such as increasing of foreign workers, multi-cultural families and extremists. At this point, I believe we can learn valuable lessons from Chinese experiences for anti-terrorism.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.61-84
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• 2013

This article examines how the Chinese government blocks the inflow of undesirable information, focusing on the technical aspect of the control mechanism. Unlike Cuba and North Korea, which regulate the whole Internet, China uses both state-of-the-art technological supervision and labor-intensive physical control due to economic reasons in order to prepare for actors who can threaten the Communist party. The Chinese government will not overlook the inflow of information which can be the link between demonstrations and democratization. This is because stronger protests utilizing information technology will trigger the Chinese government's flexible control based on large scale violation and technology. In this article, we first review the concept of universal internet control involved in internet regulation in nations, and then focus on China's internet censorship and its regulatory control from the '90s to the present. Finally, we analyze how the Chinese government actively controls the internet access by utilizing the relationship dynamics between the central and local governments, depending on protest issue. This thesis will assume that it is difficult for China to become democratized due to its information interception, and search how the government manages the internet.