• 동의생리병리학회지
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• 제19권4호
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• pp.860-864
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• 2005

Nowadays most of scholarship is based on the western model. Traditional Chinese Medical education system also follows the western medical education. In the views of medical sociology, it shows very interesting phenomenon that the modernization of traditional area follows the western model of modernization. Moreover, it provides a good chance to discuss whether modernization and westernization of tradition is real development or not. Traditional Chinese Medicine had been the only institutional medicine in China for a long time. But the status of Traditional Chinese Medicine has been changed very rapidly since modern era. Shanghai Traditional Chinese Medical School was established in 1916. But National Party government tried to abolish Traditional Chinese Medicine and it met a crisis of maintenance. But the situation has been dramatically changed when Communist Party got the power in 1949. The Communist Government needed a chief medical service. And Traditional Chinese Medicine could meet the condition. Traditional Chinese Medicine could provide also the ideology of national superiority. Therefore, Traditional Chinese Medicine has been protected and developed by the assistance of the Communist Party. In the process, Traditional Chinese Medical education has been professionalized.

• 비교문화연구
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• 제38권
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• pp.191-214
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• 2015

Chinese American Writer, Ha Jin has been writing exclusively about the life in his native Communist China. His stories and poems are almost all about the Chinese people so far. In addition, the distinctive Chinese flavour and the inexorably repressive image of China in his works present an 'Other' to the American culture. Such kind of Chineseness can also be found in Ha Jin's works and his career as a writer. The continued demand for knowledge of China, which is created by China's increasingly important role in the globalized economy, sustains the country's position as an Other for America. In his early four novels, Ha Jin portrays a totally repressive image of Communist China, an image of which functions perfectly as a form of otherness for his American readers. In Ha Jin's portrayal, the Chinese masses are subjected to the Communist authority through its bureaucracy and state-economy mechanism, as well as through the godlike image of Mao Zedong. They are to follow the Communist conscience and subscribe to unity-in-difference. Deviation from the one-party rule is intolerable. In each of the novels, Ha Jin presents a specific system of repression. In In the Pond, confrontation against Party authority is contained by a process of complicity. In Waiting, the Party's power is upheld through a system of surveillance in which people act as agents, resulting in a web of power which paralyses love. The Crazed illustrates a play of power by Party officials which, against the backdrop of the Tiananmen Square Massacre, is full of craze itself, driving people either out of sanity or out of the country. War Trash exposes the Communist power's repression to the extreme by presenting a case of dishonour in those whose life is debased as trash by the Party. The repressive image of China produced in these stories, which span over half a century, makes Ha Jin's China a perfect Other for the West. To sum up, Ha Jin's novels construct a repressive image of China. In his novels, Ha Jin exposes the working of repression in particular systems. Through these systems, he problematizes the notion of personal autonomy for Chinese people and proposes for his western/American readers a solution which eventually turns into a re-presentation of American hegemony.

• 중국학논총
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• 제65호
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• pp.215-234
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• 2020

This paper aims to analyze the recent consolidation of Xi Jinping's power in the context of political reform of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), and reason out its implications. After Reform and Opening Up, the CCP needed to adapt to the changing society, secure its legitimacy and reinforce its ruling power. Therefore, the CCP has practiced political reform focused on intra-democracy since 16th Party Congress in 2002. Intra-democracy in the CCP's collective leadership consists of two parts: a stable power succession, based on term limits and age limits, and a democratic management system, based on checks and compromises between political factions. Those mechanisms of intra-democracy are still functioning in the Xi Jinping era, which explains that the consolidation of Xi's power is the result of the agreement in the CCP. In other words, it is a short-term change to efficiently deal with challenges the CCP is facing.

• 중국학논총
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• 제68호
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• pp.141-161
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• 2020

This paper aims to analyze China's political education, which plays a role of vehicle in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) promoting its ideological strategy, in order to figure out the utility of the CCP's ideological strategy. After Reform and Opening Up, the CCP rebuilt and reinforced political education in China according to its ideological strategy. Especially after the Tiananmen incident in 1989, the CCP made nationalism and patriotism as the core part of political education, and expanded its curriculum. Such reinforcement of political education has a advantage in maintaining the CCP's governance by creating a nationalist consensus against the western ideas. Although it can be helpful for the stability of domestic politics, it also has negative possibilities which isolate China in the global community and obstruct China's development.

• 문화기술의 융합
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• 제9권6호
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• pp.1151-1157
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• 2023

사회주의 체제와 공산당이 지배하는 중국이 인공지능시대에는 어떻게 변화할 것인가 궁금증을 자아낸다. SNS 가 발달하고 더 나아가 메타버스 세계안에서 소통을 하고 인공지능이 많은 분야를 차지하면서 운영 되어지는 메타버스 세계에서 중국식 사회주의 체제를 생각하며 앞으로의 메타버스 세계는 어떻게 변화할지 예측해 본다. 그러기 위해서는 중국 국가 특성상 국가 정책적으로 움직이는 특성을 이해하고 아울러 중국 국가에서 제시하는 메타버스 정책을 이해할 필요가 있다. 2022년 제13차 전국인민대표대회 제5차 회의에서 메타버스에 대한 발전을 강조하였으며, 그 해 5월에는 중국공산당 중앙당교에서는 <당정간부를 위한 메타버스 산업 설명서>를 출간 하였다. 그러므로 본 고에서는 중국 메타버스 정책에 대해 분석해 보고 중국이 나아가고자 하는 메타버스 산업의 발전 방향을 전망해 보고자 한다.

• 중국학논총
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• 제72호
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• pp.161-177
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• 2021

鄧小平1978年12月在中央工作會議閉幕會上的講話中提出民主和法制問題以后, 中國共産党着力加强法制建設。最近習近平上台以后, 看來中共正試圖進一步收緊法律。中國傳統思想包括諸子百家長期存在, 對社會的各个領域都産生了影響。我認爲中國人對現代法制的認知基础是受一定的法家思想影響的。本文探討了新中國成立以來中共的加强法制的過程及与法家思想關連性。主要探討了毛澤東时代最高領袖的權力和法家思想中的統治術, 改革開放以來社會秩序的建立和法家思想尋求的大一統, '新时代中國特色'和法家思想的与时俱進的歷史觀。

• 기록학연구
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• 제22호
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• pp.157-199
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• 2009

중국공산당의 창당과 함께 문서와 당안 관리 조직이 출현한 것은 아니었다. 1926년 중앙 비서처가 설립된 이후 문서과와 그 소속 문건열람처, 문건보관처 등이 설립됨으로써 본격화되었던 것이다. 1930년대 초 비서조직의 업무개선이 집중적으로 논의되었는데, 비판의 핵심은 정치적 역할을 자각하지 못한 채 단순히 "기능적 조직"으로 전락하고 말았다는 것이었고, 이의 해결 방안은 곧 "비서처 업무의 정치화"였다. 나아가 1940년대에는 "정풍운동"의 영향으로 문서만이 아니라 각종 주요 정보자료를 수집하여 정리, 제공하는 재료과의 임무가 강조되었다. 한편, 문서의 작성에 있어서 인물이나 기관의 명칭을 다르게 표기한다든가 약물을 사용하여 문서를 작성하는 등 보안의 유지가 줄곧 강조되었으며, 또한 업무활동과 지역의 상황에 대한 정기보고를 통해 중앙과 지방간의 소통이 강조되었다. 비서장은 중요 공문의 초안을 작성하는 것은 물론, 모든 문건의 열람과 심사를 담당하여 문서처리의 중심적 역할을 수행하였다. 문서의 처리가 끝나면 당안이라고 불리우며 보관되었는데, 중앙 비서처 문서과의 "문건보관처"가 이러한 역할을 담당하였다. "중앙문고"라고 불리기도 한 문건보관처는 1930년대 초부터 더 이상 당안을 이관받을 수 없었지만, 1940년대에는 재료과가 문서와 간행재료를 보존하고 제공하는 역할을 강화해갔다. 특히 조사연구를 위한 재료의 수집이 실행되었고, 일본의 통치 아래에 있던 지역을 회복하면서 대량의 당안과 문헌 자료를 수집하기도 하였다. 1931년 당안의 분류방법과 목록작성방법이 규정된 이후 특히 1940년대에 본격적으로 제도화되었는데, 기본적으로는 주제분류법이 유지되었고 기초적인 목록표기법이 채택되었다. "중요성"과 "기밀성"을 관리의 기준으로 삼는 원칙은 비교적 초기부터 나타났지만, 문서의 보존과 폐기를 구분하는 평가의 개념이나 절차는 명확치 않았다. 비밀의 보안관리와 접근제한의 제도를 실행하는 한편, "보존과 이용의 통일"이라는 구호에서도 알 수 있듯이 당안재료의 이용제공에 대한 문제의식은 매우 강렬하였다. 혁명운동과 전쟁의 와중에서도 중국공산당은 문서당안의 관리와 보존을 강화해가는 노력을 지속했다. 그 성과가 항상 바람직한 것도 아니었고, 그 경험을 안정적으로 발전시켜갈 수 있었던 것도 아니었다. 그것은 필경 중국공산당이 처해 있던 역사적 여건에서는 불가피한 일이었을 것이다. 이 과정에서 두드러지게 나타난 특성은 단지 기능적인 수준에서 문서당안관리의 효율화를 추진했던 것이 아니라 것이 아니라, 오히려 중국공산당의 혁명운동에 미치는 정치적 의의에 대한 자각을 강화해가며, 혁명 정책 연구의 실증적 근거이자 또한 중국공산당 역사의 증거로서 당안재료가 갖는 가치에 주목하였던 것에서 찾을 수 있을 것이다.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제15권2호
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• pp.111-144
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• 2016

Alternate members of the Chinese Communist Central Committee are often overlooked regarding elite formation or even when assessing Chinese elites in general. This article focuses on the case of alternate members of the Central Committee from 1992 to 2007 in order to understand why some individuals will eventually be promoted and why some will never be. Through extensive quantitative testing, I argue that these non-promoted individuals differ from their counterparts in many ways, most of which can possibly be traced back to the type of formation they received early on. As such, the article concludes that Party School attendance and the age factor, through threshold analysis, are a significant factor helping us understand the difference between promoted and non-promoted houbu.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제4권1호
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• pp.39-61
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• 2020

The Chinese Communist Party's 'with-Chinese-characteristics' discourse proclaims its superiority in reflecting people's genuine needs without poisonous partisan politics, as in Western democracies. The Party's Consultative Democracy is key to this superiority. To evaluate Consultative Democracy in Contemporary China from a perspective of popular sovereignty, which is the essential purpose of every kinds of democracy, this research looks into Consultative Democracy from two dimensions: theoretical dimension and institutional dimension. Theoretically, CCP's Consultative Democracy seeks its theoretical sources from their traditional thought as well as from Marxism, and especially emphasizes CCP's leadership to fulfill the consultation results. And through the analysis of various field investigations, we find that there are some prominent problems in grass-roots society's institutional mechanism for Consultative Democracy, such as insufficient connection between institutional innovation and existing legal system, inefficient consultation, insufficient representation of consultative subjects and weak motive force for sustainable development. By legitimizing certain groups or individuals as representatives in their consultative process, CCP can be de-legitimize by containing, dividing or denouncing others so that critics can be co-opted, neutralized or isolated. The CCP's consultative and representational processes are different from taking policy inputs as dialogue or negotiation as in democracies, it is a dynamic, largely one-way process of enforcement and direction with a clear political agenda: maintaining Party hegemony.

• 한국중재학회지:중재연구
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• 제29권2호
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• pp.161-199
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• 2019

As international trades between Korea and China increase, the number of civil disputes also increases. The civil dispute settlement system and the court system in China are distinctive from those of Korea. China has its own court systems which are characterized by the Chinese Communist System. Due to the influence of the decentralized local autonomy tradition, the case laws of each Province in China are not unified throughout the China. This is partly because only two instances are provided in China, and the parties cannot appeal to the Supreme People's Court of China unless there is a special reason. In Korea, three instances are provided and parties can appeal to the Supreme Court if a party so chooses. In addition, there are many differences in the judicial environment of China compared to Korea. Therefore, if there is a dispute between a Korean party and a Chinese party, arbitration is recommended rather than court litigation. This article examines the points to be considered for interim measures in China during arbitration. Where the seat of arbitration is Korea, interim measures cannot be taken by the order of the Chinese court in the middle of or before arbitration procedures. On the other hand, it is possible to take interim measures through the Chinese court in the middle of or before the arbitration procedure in China or Hong Kong. It also reviews the points to be noted in case of the enforcement of arbitration awards in China where permission from the upper Court is required to revoke or to deny the recognition or enforcement of a foreign-related or foreign arbitration award.