• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• 제40권1호
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• pp.45-66
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• 2018

This paper measures the extent of comovements in stock returns between Korea and three major countries (China, Japan and the U.S.) using industry-level data for Korea from 2003 to 2016 in the spirit of the international capital asset pricing model. It also examines what drives the comovements between Korea and the three countries. We find that the comovements of Korean stock returns with those of the U.S. and Japan became smaller after the global financial crisis. In contrast, the comovement in stock returns between Korea and China became larger after the crisis. After an additional analysis, we conclude that trade linkage is the main driver of the comovements between Korea and the three countries.

• 무역학회지
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• 제44권1호
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• pp.269-283
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• 2019

Due to environmental issues such as global warming, the importance of renewable energy is growing. Solar Power System is one of the most growing eco-friendly energy industries in the world, but Korea's solar energy industry faces fierce competition due to the trade regulations and changes in energy related laws in the major markets such as the U.S., EU and China. Therefore, Korea needs to diversify its export markets towards emerging markets. This paper analyzed 162 countries in the world and developed a model to measure how promising the countries are. GSMI(Grid connected Solar Market Index) and OSMI(Off-grid Solar Market Index) are invented based on the models. By using the developed model and the data of 162 countries over the 15-year period from 2000 to 2014, the foreign markets are ranked for searching the export market. According to the analysis, China, Japan, U.S, India and Taiwan ranked first to fifth in GSMI and OSMI ranking, which were followed by China, India, Bangladesh, Philippines and Afghanistan. The model developed through this research is expected to provide a more reasonable and scientific approach to the advancement of the Korean solar energy industry into overseas markets.

• 중국학논총
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• 제72호
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• pp.101-122
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• 2021

Over the past 20 years, labor standards have been widely used in free trade agreements. The U.S., the European Union and China have all aggressively signed free trade agreements with their trading partners, developing different styles on labor standards. According to the study, the implementation of the KOREa-EU FREE trade agreement has been hampered by ongoing disputes over the terms of the FREE trade agreement and the ILO since the korea-EU free trade agreement was signed. Because in order to break this deadlock, relevant scholars have done a lot of research, but mainly focused on the economic and trade field. Therefore, this paper for the first time systematically studies the substantive focus of disputes over FTA and ILO clauses, and carefully analyzes the domestic law amended by South Korea, and provides suggestions and inspirations for China by drawing lessons from the revision model of South Korea's domestic law. This is from a newperspective: the essence of the korea-EU FTA and ILO disputes is the conflict between international law and domestic law, and the conflict between free trade agreements and human rights protection. It holds that the essence of disputes should be sorted out from the perspective of legal principles and human rights protection, and the free trade and human rights protection should be actively coordinated. In order to make China more actively integrate into the international economy, China should adopt a positive attitude to revise and perfect its own laws, so as to realize the purpose of common development of international trade and human rights protection.

• 한국정보통신학회논문지
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• 제24권3호
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• pp.420-427
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• 2020

미·중 무역 분쟁이 시작된 이래로 전 세계의 관심은 물론이고 각 국의 무역에도 영향을 미치게 되었다. 하지만 미·중 무역전쟁은 전통산업의 경쟁에만 국한되지 않았으며 5G 산업의 경쟁도 갈수록 치열해지고 있다. 본 연구는 문헌연구를 중심으로 미국이 중국의 화웨이 회사에게 제재를 가하게 된 심층적인 원인을 분석하였다. 또한 이에 대한 문제점을 파악하고 해결방안을 제시하고자 한다. 미·중 무역 전쟁이 끊임없이 확대되고 빠르게 성장하고 있는 중국 산업은 미국의 산업에 영향을 줄 수 있으며 미국의 제재는 더 강화될 수 있다. 미국의 제재에도 불구하고 중국 5G의 빠른 속도와 효율적인 비용은 중국의 경쟁력을 더욱 높여 주고 있다. 하지만 앞으로 미국의 경제제재 하에서 중국의 5G 산업은 어떻게 생존하고 더욱 발전 할 것인가에 대한 심도 있는 연구가 이루어져야 한다.

• 미국학
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• 제42권1호
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• pp.23-55
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• 2019

Do international economic factors affect the result of gubernatorial elections? This research aims to explain the reasons that local elections are not influenced by international economic factors such as US-China trade dispute. Although previous studies show the mixed results about the relationship between economic factors and gubernatorial electoral outcome, this research argues at least three explanations can be identified. First, there is a perceived gap between the candidates and local voters on the effect of trade disputes. Local voters do not consider the trade dispute as immediate threats, and candidates only use the trade dispute for attacking rivals. Where the functional responsibilities are unclear among elected officials between federal and local government, voters tend to cast votes based on their party identification. In the case of trade policy, functional responsibility is murky between the president and governor; voters may not judge the governor incumbent or candidates on state economic condition.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제20권2호
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• pp.237-258
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• 2021

The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the risks of an over-concentration of supply chains in one country. It has motivated stakeholders to pursue diversification strategies. However, a paradox exists. Stakeholders have shied away from a complete decoupling and preferring to selectively enhance economic ties with China. This article explores this paradox by examining supply chain concentration in China as a form of asymmetric interdependence and the countermeasures from the U.S., Japan, Australia, and India to minimize vulnerabilities. It argues that while the COVID-19 disruptions have brought to light the risk of supply chain overconcentration in China, countermeasures are also driven by coercive diplomacy and the deepening U.S.-China rivalry. The paper also examines the feasibility of diversification efforts by focusing on the capacity and capabilities of alternative supply chain hubs. It finds that while states are actively seeking ways to prevent China from using asymmetric interdependence of supply chains and trade to gain political leverage, there are structural limits to the degree of diversification in the short to mid-term.

• Strategy21
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• 통권42호
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• pp.224-257
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• 2017

As the Trump administration withdraws the Paris Climate Agreement and shows its antipathy toward free trade, the U.S.'s soft power is most likely to weaken and its behaviors could be perceived as acts to surrender the U.S. hegemonic leadership in the world stage. Hegemonic stability theory notes that the existence of a hegemonic power contributes to international stability in the sense that it provides international public goods. A lack of the U.S's leadership in international politics, however, could be recognized as its denial of a hegemonic status. Is it intentional or accidental? The U.S's denial of hegemonic roles is the byproduct of the Trump administration's "American First" policy, not the showcase of its intention to transit hegemony to others. What is noteworthy is that China targets a niche market of hegemony as the U.S. denies its roles as the international leader. Put it another way, China attempts to ride hegemony for free when the U.S. denies its hegemonic roles accidentally. Faced with a niche market of hegemony, China has begun to accelerate its national strategy to make "Chinese Dream" come true. To that end, China promised again to keep the Paris Climate Agreement and attempts to play more active its roles in Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO), Asia Infra Investment Bank(AIIB), and "One Belt, One Road". Despite all these efforts, the U.S. is most likely to withdraw its denial of hegemony any time soon. The U.S's resumption of Freedom of Navigation Operations(FONOPs) could be a precursor of the return to a hegemonic power's willingness. In this vein, it is noteworthy that the South China Sea serves as a quasi-war zone for hegemonic conflict.

• 한국항만경제학회지
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• 제36권4호
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• pp.93-106
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• 2020

무역은 국가 경제에 중요한 경제활동이다. 특히, WTO 출범 이후 2001년 중국의 WTO 가입, 다자간 무역체계의 확립, 자유무역협정(FTA) 등으로 무역의 범위가 확대되고, 국가 간 무역장벽의 완화 및 통합화로 인해 무역시장의 규모가 확대되고 있다. 그러나 무역시장 규모가 확대됨에도 불구하고, 2008년 글로벌 금융위기, 2016년 브렉시트, 2018년 미·중 무역전쟁과 같은 극단적인 사건 발생하여 무역시장이 직접적으로 타격받고 있다. 이에 본 연구는 무역활동을 대변하는 변수인 국제 해운 운임지수와 미국, 중국 무역 불확실성 사이의 의존구조를 분석 하였다. 분석 결과를 요약하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 미국, 중국 무역 불확실성과 국제 해운 운임지수 조합의 결합분포가 각각 Frank copula, rotated Clayton copula 270°으로 나타나, 미국, 중국 국가별로 동일한 분포 구조를 보이는 것으로 나타났다. 둘째, Kendall's tau 상관관계를 살펴보면, 국제 해운 운임지수와 미국, 중국 무역 불확실성 사이에 음(-)의 의존성을 갖지만, 의존성 정도는 중국 무역 불확실성과 국제 해운 운임지수의 조합에서 더 크게 나타났다. 즉, 전 세계 수요와 무역 불확실성의 의존성은 미국보다 중국이 더 강하다는 것을 확인하였다. 마지막으로, 꼬리 의존성 결과를 살펴보면, 미국, 중국 무역 불확실성과 국제 해운 운임지수가 서로 독립적인 관계로 나타났다. 이는 무역 불확실성의 극단적인 사건 혹은 국제 해운 운임지수의 극단적인 사건이 발생해도 서로 영향을 받지 않는 것으로 의미한다.

• 웰빙융합연구
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• 제3권1호
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• pp.21-31
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• 2020

As people's income rises dramatically, people's happiness seems not as high as expected. In fact, there are two different arguments about the relationship between income level and happiness. The focus of the debate is whether the correlation between income and probability of happiness is positive or negative. Therefore, we hypothesizes that the relationship between income and probability of happiness presents an inverted U-shaped curve. Then, this paper sets China as an example to explore the effect of income on happiness. The data from the Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS) in 2015 is employed to conduct empirical analyses under the Probit model and the Zero-Inflation-Passion model. The empirical findings indicate that the effect of income on happiness presents an inverted U-shaped curve and significantly in statistic. Meanwhile, spouse's income, educational level, marriage time and house property have a positive and significant effect on happiness. Conversely, age and local living standards have a negative and significant effect on happiness. Unfortunately, even though registered residence and children have a negative effect on happiness, they do not get through the significant test. In order to ensure the robustness of our empirical results, we test the robustness of the above empirical results by adjusting the sample size. The results of robustness test verify that our empirical results are robust. Moreover, this paper also makes a small contribution to the current literature with a sample from China.

• 한국과 국제사회
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• 제3권1호
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• pp.151-182
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• 2019

중국의 부상과 그에 상응하여 세계 각지의 국제무대와 지역 수준에서 중국인의 참여가 증가했다. 이는 중국이 지금까지 미국의 영향력 대체를 위해 노력하고 있다고 알려져 있기 때문에 중국과 미국 사이에 전략적 경쟁과 경쟁의 주장이 설득력을 얻고 있다. 결과적으로 미국이 미국의 영향력과 이익을 보호하기 위해 중국의 개입 증가에 대응해야 한다는 요구가 있었다. 이 연구는 아프리카에 대한 중국의 참여가 증가하면 대륙에서 미국의 전략적 이익을 대체하는 정도를 조사함으로써 이 논쟁에 기여하는 것을 목표로 하고 있다. 이 연구는 아프리카에 대한 중국의 개입은 중국이 대륙에서 널리 묘사되고 상상한 것처럼 미국의 이익을 위협할 필요가 없는 틈새시장을 만드는 것을 수반했다고 주장한다. 이는 중국이 현저하게 위협할 수 있는 세계의 다른 전략적 부분에 비해 미국은 역사적으로 아프리카에 대한 전략적 이해관계가 비교적 미미하다는 점을 전제로 한 것이다. 이런 식으로 볼 때, 아프리카에서의 중국인의 침투 증가는 미국의 핵심 전략적 이익에 즉각적인 위협을 가하지 않았기 때문에, 아프리카에서의 중국 주둔에 대항하기 위해 미국이 측정한 대응을 설명한다.