• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.59-85
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• 2021

This study focuses on the impact of China's system on the goals and strategies of public diplomacy for its actors and actions. In other words, China, which aims to assimilate the Western political values and systems, is special in setting the goals and strategies pursued through public diplomacy. Therefore, China often uses the historical and cultural agenda that it shares mainly in order to promote public diplomacy in the neighboring countries of Northeast Asia such as Taiwan and Korea, who have different systems. This phenomenon is an important key of explaining the vulnerability of China's public diplomacy in the face of political and security insecurity. Also, because of China's authoritarian politics and national-social relations, China can pursue efficient public diplomacy. On the other hand, however, such phenomenon provides an answer to why China's public diplomacy is not an effective buffer in the face of political and security conflicts with neighboring countries. Based on this framework, this study seeks to find answers to Why is China's public diplomacy not strong enough to ease political and security conflicts with neighboring countries?

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.61-82
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• 2011

Public resistance is an essential factor of the democratization process. Due to this, public resistance has been recognized as an important element in discussing the democratization of China. Recently in China, and a new era of resistance especially the agrarian resistance has been being expanded. This paper identifies trends and characteristics of that. With searching changes in the relationship between the nation and the societies in China, we will check whether democratization can be built from the whole bottom of the nation's ideology or not. It is a paradox of china's economic growth that the peasant uprising increased is a factor to the growth. The farmers' smoldering discontent exploded with rage because rural communities have been forced to sacrifice during the growth. The authoritarian party-state system in China has been faced with the limits in calming the peasant revolt down with the traditional suppression and restriction. Even though the party-state system in China has accepted farmers' dissatisfaction somewhat, and it has tried to improve its image of a benevolent government and pursued buying stability strategy, the gap between urban and rural areas has been expanded in the sustainable economic development and modernization process, therefore the authorities could not soothe the farmers' sense of alienation. Accordingly, the peasant revolt has not flickered out easily, and has been getting uncontrolled across China. Resistance characteristics of Chinese farmers have also changed. In the past, they had been sporadic and indirect ways, whereas in recent years, they have changed into organized and active ways. Of course, it is generally evaluated that the party-state system has sustained a strong social control so far. Buying stability strategy has prevented farmers' complaints from spreading to a threat to its regime, because civil societies in rural areas have still weak foundations from being formed. The party-state system, because of tensions and conflicts, will control the growing powers of civil societies in rural areas with institutionalization of interaction between the nation and the societies, and they will induce street protests to legalized struggle for a while. However, the relationship between the state and the societies has already started new rearrangement, in terms of that the conflicts between the state and rural communities have continued, and the changes of resistance ways.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.2
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• pp.20-55
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• 2016

Koguryo's tomb mural paintings in North Korea are our precious cultural heritage which have been designated as UNESCO World Heritage property receiving high praise in the following criterion, i) exceptional creativeness of human being, ii) representative value showing the stage of development in construction history of East-Asia, iii) aesthetic superiority iv) uniqueness of building construction including tombs' ceiling. Mural paintings have been found from almost 100 tombs of the Koguryo dynasty out of 130 which are scattered across Huanren County, Lianoning Province, Ji'an, Jilin Province in China and Pyongyang in North Korea. Especially, most of them are gathered in Pyongyang from 4th and 5th century. Peculiarly, some of them have been constructed before King Jangsu's transfer of the capital to Pyongyang(AD 427). It can be regarded that Pyongyang territory had been under control of Koguryo and to become a new capital in the near future. And dense emergence of such tombs since the capital transfer from Gungnae City to Pyongyang during the reign of Jangsu is linked closely to the construction of tombs for rulers under strengthen royal authority of Jangsu and centralized system of authoritarian rule. Tomb mural paintings describe the owner's figure pictorially based on the truth just as in his living years. General lifestyles of ruling powers and sovereigns can be seen from the wall paintings portraying several buildings with various styles, figures, manners of living, which are considered that the tomb owner had led politically and sociologically in his life. In spite of not enough proofs to approve figure of architectures or "Gong-Po" in wall paintings on the tombs as those of Koguryo, it is persuasive with consideration for painting and decoration inside the tomb like wooden building in real life for the purpose of reenacting and continuing the tomb owner's luxurious life after death. "Du-Gong-Po-Zak" had appeared in company with Koguryo tomb murals and it can be found in most of the murals. And the emergence of substantial "Gong-Po-Do" can be counted more than a century ahead of the figure in murals. It could be a reasonable assumption as regards Koguryo tomb murals time of appearance match up with production period of Gahyungmyunggi(家形明器) and Hwasangseok(畵像石) Hwasangjeon(畵像塼) Design in the Mural Painting of the East-Han(東漢) Ancient Tombs in China. On this study, architectural "Gong-Po"s described in Koguryo tomb murals are categorized largely in "Bi(non)-Po-Zak-kye", "Jun(semi)-Po-Zak-kye", and "Po-Zak-kye" based on presence of "Ju-Du", "Cheom-Cha", and "Cheom-Cha-Sal-Mi" with developmental aspect, and, "Po-zak" is subdivided as "Bi(non)-Cheul-Mok" and "Cheul-Mok" types.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.245-271
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to examine and assess the major characteristics and changes of politics, economy, and diplomacy in Thailand in 2016. Specifically, it reviewed the New Constitution that was passed in 2016, the confrontation between different political forces and the trend of military regime around the New Constitution, and the political instability caused by the accession of the new king to the throne. This study also set out to figure out changes to the economy and foreign relations of the country, including its relations with South Korea, under the military regime and make predictions for the impact and future prospects of King Bhumibol Adulyadej's death on the politics and economy of the country. In 2016, the politics of Thailand took a step further toward the transfer of power to civil government and established a foundation for an authoritarian system. The draft of the New Constitution, which does not seem to be democratic, was approved by a referendum and enabled the military authorities to continue their political interventions, even after the general election. The New Constitution, in particular, reduces the power of political parties itself in addition to simply keeping the Thaksin's party in check; thus, anticipating ongoing conflicts between the military authorities and political parties. In this situation, the absence of King Bhumibol Adulyadej, who used to play a decisive role in promoting the political stability of the country, and the accession of the new king to the throne raise concerns about the acceleration of political instability, which has continued after the coup and influenced the diplomatic relations of the country. Today, Thailand is distancing itself from Western nations that do not recognize the current military regime including the U.S.A. and EU member states and instead maintains a rapidly friendly and close relation with China. In 2016, the economy of Thailand made a gradual recovery rather than high growth. The death of King Bhumibol Adulyadej has exerted limited direct economic impacts only on individual consumption and tourism and is not likely to cause a recession. An economic crisis will, however, be unavoidable if the political confrontations escalate before the general election to transfer power to the civil government.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.213-261
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• 2018

On May 9, 2018, regime change took place in Malaysia. It was the first regime change that took place in 61 years after independence in 1957. The regime change was an unexpected result not only in Malaysian experts but also in political circles. Moreover, the outcome of the election was more shocking because the opposition party was divided in this general election. The regime change in Malaysia was enough to attract worldwide attention because it meant the collapse of the oldest regime in the modern political system that exists, except North Korea and China. How could this have happened? In particular, how could the regime change, which had not been accomplished despite opposition parties' cooperation for almost 20 years, could be achieved with the divided opposition forces? What political implications does the 2018 general election result have for political change and democratization in Malaysia? How will the Malaysian politics be developed in the aftermath of the regime change? It is worth noting that during the process of finding answers, a series of general elections since the start of reformasi in 1998 tended to be likened to a series of "tsunami" in the Malaysian electoral history. This phenomenon of tsunami means that, even though very few predicted the possibility of regime change among academia, civil society and political circles, the regime change was not sudden. In other words, the regime in 2018 was the result of the desire and expectation of political change through a series of elections of Malaysian voters last 20 years. In this context, this study, in analyzing the results of the election in 2018, shows that the activation of electoral politics triggered by the reform movement in 1998, along with the specific situational factors in 2018, could lead to collapse of the ruling government for the first time since independence.