• Economic and Environmental Geology
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.25-34
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• 1970

Very few articles are available on geologic structure and genesis of Sangdong scheelite-deposits in spite of the fact that the mine is one of the leading tungsten producer in the world. Sangdong scheelite deposits, embedded in Myobong slate of Cambrian age at the southem limb of the Hambaek syncline which strikes $N70{\sim}80^{\circ}W$ and dips $15{\sim}30^{\circ}$ northeast, comprise six parallel veins in coincide with the bedding plane of Myobong formation, namely four footwall veins, a main vein, and a hangingwall vein. Four footwall veins are discontinuous and diminish both directions in short distance and were worked at near surface in old time. Hangingwall vein is emplaced in brecciated zone in contact plane of Myobong slate and overlying Pungchon limestone bed of Cambrian age and has not been worked until recent. The main vein, presently working, continues more than 1,500 m in both strike and dip sides and has a thickness varying 3.5 to 5 m. Characteristic is the distinct zonal arrangement of the main vein along strike side which gives a clue to the genesis of the deposits. The zones symmetrically arranged in both sides from center are, in order of center to both margins, muscovite-biotite-quartz zone, biotite-hornblende-quartz zone and garnet-diopside zone. The zones grade into each other with no boundary, and minable part of the vein streches in the former two zones extending roughly 1,000 m in strike side and over 1,100 m in dip side to which mining is underway at present. The quartz in both muscovite-biotite-quartz and biotite-hornblende-quartz zones is not network type of later intrusion, but the primary constituent of the special type of rock that forms the main vein. The minable zone has been enriched several times by numerous quartz veins along post-mineral fractures in the vein which carry scheelite, molybdenite, bismuthinite, fluorite and other sulfide minerals. These quartz veins varying from few centimeter to few tens of centimeter in width are roughly parallel to the main vein although few of them are diagonal, and distributed in rich zones not beyond the vein into both walls and garnet-diopside zone. Ore grade ranges from 1.5~2.5% $WO_3$ in center zone to less than 0.5% in garnet-diopside zone at margin, biotite-hornblende-quartz zone being inbetween in garde. The grade is, in general, proportional to the content of primary quartz. Judging from regional structure in mid-central parts of South Korea, Hambaek syncline was formed by the disturbance at the end of Triassic period with which bedding thrust and accompanied feather cracks in footwall side were created in Myobong slate and brecciated zone in contact plane between Myobong slate and Pungchon limestone. These fractures acted as a pathway of hot solution from interior which was in turn differentiated in situ to form deposit of the main vein with zonal arrangement. The footwall veins were developed along feather cracks accompanied with the main thrust by intrusion of biotite-hornblende-quartz vein and the hangingwall vein in shear zone along contact plane by replacement. The main vein thus formed was enriched at later stage by hydrothermal solutions now represented by quartz veins. The main mineralization and subsequent hydrothermal enrichments had probably taken place in post-Triassic to pre-Cretaceous periods. The veins were slightly displaced by post-mineral faults which cross diagonally the vein. This hypothesis differs from those done by previous workers who postulated that the deposits were formed by pyrometasomatic to contact replacement of the intercalated thin limestone bed in Myobong slate at the end of Cretaceous period.

• Journal of Chest Surgery
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• v.29 no.12
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• pp.1306-1315
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• 1996

This study reviewed the changes of hemodynamlcs and centrAl pulmonary artery dimension in 54 patients who underwent bidirectional cavopulmonary shunt(BCPS) between February 1992 and December 1995 at Seoul National University Childrell's Hospital. Ag and body weight of patients averaged 36.8 $\pm$ 37.7 months and 8.0$\pm$3.0 kg, respectively Eightynine percent of patients had more than 2 violations of the risk factors for Fontan operation, resulting overall hospital mortality of 16.6%(9154). Serial hemodynamic and anglographic examinations before and mean 16.3 $\pm$ 14.3 months iirter BCPS were compared. The arterial oxygen saturation improved from a preoperative value of 71 9: 10.1 % to 79.H $\pm$ 8. 5% (n:4), p<0.05). The values of arterial oxygen saturation were lower as the age of the patients with BCPS in place was older(n=22, R'=0.341, p=0.004). A mean pulmonary artery pressure and pulmonary vascular resistance reduced from 31 $\pm$17 to 1).5$\pm$3.SmmHg(n=22, p<0.05) and from ).2$\pm$2.1 to 2.3$\pm$2.7 unit (n=7. p>0.05), respectively. Follow-up study showed a significant Increase of absolute values of ipsilateral pulmoanry artery (n: 14, p<0.05), but no change of contralateral pulmonary artreries (n: 14. p=not significant(HSI). However, there w re significant decreases in diameters of both ipsilateral and contralateral pulmonary arteries standardized by patients' body surface areas(16.8% decrease, n: 14, p< 0. 05 for ipsilatreal, 25.1%, n=14, p<0.05 for contralateral). Pulmonary artery indices for cross sectional areas of both pulmonary arterises decreased 9.3 $\pm$ 13.8% with showing a trend of more decrease as the follow-up duration was longer, We conclude that the bidirectional cavopulmonary shunt provide an excellent.

• Radiation Oncology Journal
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.291-296
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• 1995

Purpose : In general, the wedge factors which are used clinical practices are ignored of dependency on field sizes and depths. In this present, we investigated systematically the depth and field size dependency to determine the absorbed dose more accurately. Methods : The wedge factors for each wedge filter were measured at various depths (depth of Dmax, 5cm, 10cm, and 15cm) and field sizes ($5cm{\times}5cm,\;10cm{\times}10cm,\;15cm{\times}15cm, and 20cm{\times}20cm$) by using 4-, 6-, and 10-MVX rays. By convention, wedge factors are determined by taking the ratio of the central axis ionization readings when the wedge filter is in place to those of the open field in same field size and measurement depth. In this present work, we determined the wedge factors for 4-, 6-, and 10-MV X rays from Clinac 600C and 2100C linear accelerators (manufactured by Varian Associates, Inc., Palo Alto, CA). To confirm that the wedge was centered, measurements were done with the two possible wedge position and various collimator orientations. Results : The standard deviations of measured values are within $0.3\;\%$ and the depth dependence of wedge factor is greater for the lower energies. Especially, the variation of wedge factor is no less than $5\%$ for 4- and 6- MV X rays with more than $45^{\circ}$ wedge filters. But there seems to be a small dependence on field size. Conclusion : The results of this study show a dependence on the point of measurement. There also seems to be a small dependence on field size. And so, we should consider the depth and field size dependence in determining the wedge factors. If one wedge factor were to be used for each wedge filter it seems that the measurement for a 10cm x 10cm field size at a depth of loom would be a reasonable choice.

• Journal of KIISE:Databases
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• v.33 no.1
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• pp.102-116
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• 2006

Electronic catalogs (or e-catalogs) hold information about the goods and services offered or requested by the participants, and consequently, form the basis of an e-commerce transaction. Catalog management is complicated by a number of factors and product classification is at the core of these issues. Classification hierarchy is used for spend analysis, custom3 regulation, and product identification. Classification is the foundation on which product databases are designed, and plays a central role in almost all aspects of management and use of product information. However, product classification has received little formal treatment in terms of underlying model, operations, and semantics. We believe that the lack of a logical model for classification Introduces a number of problems not only for the classification itself but also for the product database in general. It needs to meet diverse user views to support efficient and convenient use of product information. It needs to be changed and evolved very often without breaking consistency in the cases of introduction of new products, extinction of existing products, class reorganization, and class specialization. It also needs to be merged and mapped with other classification schemes without information loss when B2B transactions occur. For these requirements, a classification scheme should be so dynamic that it takes in them within right time and cost. The existing classification schemes widely used today such as UNSPSC and eClass, however, have a lot of limitations to meet these requirements for dynamic features of classification. In this paper, we try to understand what it means to classify products and present how best to represent classification schemes so as to capture the semantics behind the classifications and facilitate mappings between them. Product information implies a plenty of semantics such as class attributes like material, time, place, etc., and integrity constraints. In this paper, we analyze the dynamic features of product databases and the limitation of existing code based classification schemes. And describe the semantic classification model, which satisfies the requirements for dynamic features oi product databases. It provides a means to explicitly and formally express more semantics for product classes and organizes class relationships into a graph. We believe the model proposed in this paper satisfies the requirements and challenges that have been raised by previous works.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.45
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• pp.263-289
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• 2014

King Munjong(文宗), the eleventh King of the Goryeo Dynasty, was the son of King Hyeonjong(顯宗), the eighth king, and the younger stepbrother(異母弟) of King Jeongjong(靖宗), the 10th king. Although King Jeongjong had four sons, he abdicated the throne to King Munjong. King Taejo(太祖) had opened the possibility for sons other than the eldest son to succeed to the throne. When King Jeongjong died, his sons were children under the age of 10 years. In the early period of the Goryeo Dynasty, when kings had young sons, there were precedents of abdicating the throne to their grown-up younger brothers. In addition, King Jeongjong and Munjong had an identical blood background. During the period, Goryeo people also naturally accepted the fact that a former king's younger brother succeeded to the throne. In this background, King Munjong ascended the throne. However, King Munjong did not ascend the throne after identifying state affairs with politic power. Therefore, he needed to increase his authority as the king. Moreover, as the sons of King Jeongjong had grown up, they could stir up trouble in future succession to the throne. Therefore, King Munjong intended to concentrate power on himself and remove trouble in future succession to the throne by selecting his son as successor to the throne. After the installation of Wangtaeja(王太子, the Crown Prince), King Munjong expanded and organized Donggunggwan(東宮官, the establishment of Secretariat of Wangtaeja) and carried out various rituals related to Wangtaeja. The control system for Donggunggwan was completed institutionally in 1068. At this time, the newly organized Donggunggwan was operated as a miniature version of the central government office. In addition, the ritual for the installation of Taeja, which was held in 1054, complied with regulated procedures. After the ritual of the installation, a ceremony to congratulate on Jangheungjeol(長興節, the birthday of Wangtaeja) was held in 1056. In 1064, the wedding ritual of Taeja took place, and the ritual for Taeja regulated in Yeji(禮志) of "Goryeosa(高麗史)" was carried out. In addition, the installation of Wangtaeja was made known overseas, and the Taeja of Goryeo was proclaimed by the Kitan three times. Such various measures played an important role in strengthening the status of Taeja as the man of authority next to the king. Later, Taeja demonstrated his status as the man of authority following the king by participating in state affairs on behalf of King Munjong who was not able to move about freely in his later years.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.35
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• pp.415-445
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• 2009

A well-known historian, Ahn Jeong-Bok(Sun-Am, 1712~1791) was an expert on the country village community. He was a scholar of the "Nam-In" group, who was excluded from the corridors of power in those days. He kept on the move in various parts of country villages from his childhood. After settling down in Deok-Gok, Kwang-Ju, he stayed in the place devoting himself to the self-culture and the literary works. By his surrounding of environment, he had an academic interest in a concrete science rather than metaphysics and country villages rather than the central city. He considered the country villages as the link holding between a family and a country and had the conception of a confucianist community based on country villages, emphasizing the practice of confucianist virtues in everyday life. First of all, his confucianist community was the community based on country villages. He thought that the enlightenment was a matter of great importance for solving problems in country villages. As a solution to those problems, he suggested Hyang-Yak, the self-governed regulations of country villages. In his own village he made the self-governed rules Dong-Yak. When he was a provincial governer of Mok-Cheon, he put Hyang-Yak, the self-governed regulations of country villages in operation. It aimed for a kind of gentry-centric country village community. But Hyang-Yak was the regulations based on the agreement with each other, stressed the regard on the popular mind and the setting the pace of the gentry, and aimed for the harmony and order in a community through the practice of moral virtues in daily life. On the other hand, he had a conception of a country village's academic community. He thought of the development of educational intuitions as a pressing need of the enlightenment of country village. With young people he read confucianist books with comments in a village school, Seo-Jae. In his seventies, he made and put the self-regulations for academic community, Hak-Yak, in operations. It is considered that Hak-Yak was an example of his idea of academic community and his point of view on learning, which emphasized on the coincidence with reading and practice.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.4
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• pp.174-191
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• 2021

Gangdo (江都), a reproduction of Gaegyeong, was the capital of Goryeo for 39 years. However, due to the urgent wartime situation of the Mongol invasion and the geographical features of Ganghwa Island, the castle system and palace layout were somewhat different from those of Gaegyeong. Gangdo's castle can be understood as a triple castle system consisting of outer castle, middle castle, and inner castle. First, the outer castle was the first to be completed, and it was built at the forefront to prevent the Mongol army from invading in the first place. It is presumed that the section was between Huamdon and Hwadodon in the outer castle during the Joseon Dynasty. The middle castle can be seen as the present 'Middle Castle', a castle built of earth on the outskirts of the Ganghwa-mountain Castle. Considering the sophistication and robustness of the construction method confirmed in the archaeological research, this castle is thought to have been built under a meticulous plan. In other words, as the capital city, it was completed 'at last' as recorded in the Koryo History, after a long 18-year construction process to protect palaces, government offices, and private houses. The inner castle was a castle with the character of a palace. This corresponds to the Old Castle of Ganghwabu (江華府) during the Joseon Dynasty, and it almost coincided with the scale of the composition of Gaegyeong's palace castle. It was a complex functional space, featuring the integration of the palace and the imperial castle, where the main government offices and ancillary facilities, including the palace, were located. Based on the documentary record that these palaces were similar to Gaegyeong's palace, the palace map was overlapped with that of Gaegyeong. The central axis of the building from Seungpyeongmun (昇平門) to Seongyeongjeon (宣慶殿) coincided with Kim Sangyongsunjeol Monument in Ganghwa- Goryeo Palace. Therefore, it seems that the palace of Gangdo had the same basic structure as that of Gaegyeong. However, the inner palace and annexed buildings must have been arranged in consideration of the topographical conditions of Ganghwa, and this is estimated to be the Gunggol area in Gwancheong-ri.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.1
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• pp.190-217
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• 2012

This research has studied the building awareness of Nu-Jeong that a view of nature and aesthetic consciousness to unite the nature are inherent by considering Nu-Jeong of scholars who left fame and wealth behind and retired to hermitage in the backwoods in the 16~18 Century. This is to clarify correlation with leaving nature as it is, namely, an ideal state that scholars at the time would enjoy, through landscape awareness accepted into Nu-Jeong literature. In addition, this research has tracked the ideologic flow that acts on space formation by clarifying Korean unique meanings inherent to Nu-Jeong's cultural landscape. As a suggestion for this, the interpretation through 'Pungsu location Nu-Jeong name's analysis Nu-Jeong literature analysis', etc. was tried, so its integrated conclusion is as follows. It is not a chance that scholars of Joseon have left numerous literature works singing the nature. They already had huge interest and knowledge on the nature, and achieved active poetic exchange by sublimating the praise of nature as literature. Nu-Jeong, which was a place of exchange like this, had cleanliness of the nature and ideological purity as an oppositional space on turbid political realities. The Nu-Jeong literature drew the nature into a literature space as it is, without doing abstraction or ideation on the nature. The owner of Nu-Jeong exclusively possessed such natural landscape in grim and independent postures, so it provided a clue of Nu-Jeong cultural landscape that this research aimed to discuss. Scholars who aimed to raise wide and large vigor filled in between the sky and earth got to convince that people are born from the nature, grow in the nature and finally return to the nature. What people are born from the nature and finally return to the nature is just consistent with Taoistic and Zhua-ngzi thoughts denying human work, and leaving nature as it is or nature itself remained intact which is an ideal state. The construction at the time is a vessel containing the spirit of the times of the era. This thesis has proved that the Nu-Jeong culture of scholars located on the central line of Korean landscape was the flower of Joseon's scholar culture by interpreting it semantically.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.41 no.1
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• pp.109-125
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• 2008

Recently, there has been an increase in excavation studies of wood pagodas from the Three Kingdoms and Unified Shilla periods and new data related to wood pagoda erection are being found bringing about progress in research on this field. In other words, studies on wooden pagodas in Korea were composed mainly of flat, axis construction techniques and sarijangeomgu, but by acquiring new data, it has now become possible to study not only the stylobate construction procedure and transition, but also studies on restoring wooden pagodas. Furthermore, pagoda sites similar to this were found in China and Japan as well, making it possible to make comparative studies among ancient wooden pagodas possible. In this paper, the main remains were set as Baekjae wooden pagodas, which were the most frequently studied and among the wooden pagodas, the simcho (central base stone) and sarira housing locations. In result, simcho can be found changing its position from underground ${\rightarrow}$ halfway underground ${\rightarrow}$ above ground. Baekjae wooden pagodas up until the mid sixth century located at Neungsan-ri saji (AD 567) and Wangheungsaji (AD 577) had its simcho located underground and later it was constructed halfway underground and then above ground. It was confirmed that in the 7th century, it became customary to place above ground as seen in the Jaeseoksaji (AD639) and Hwangnyongsaji (AD645) wooden pagoda sites. The sarira was usually located on the south side of the simcho, but gradually changed to the center. In particular, sarira were combined in the simcho in the mid sixth century at the Wangheungsaji. This is approximately 11 years earlier than the Bijosa (AD 588) simcho found in Japan and this was not found even in the simcho of wooden pagodas in Yeongnyeongsa (AD 516) and Jopaengseong temple (AD 535~561) of China showing that the Wangheungsaji simcho was the earliest of its kind.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.38-53
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• 2012

The transition process of the Balhae's capital system(都城制度) is a step-by-step marker of the completion of the state's governing system(支配體制). The most important subject in investigating the formation process of the capital of Balhae is Shanggyeongsheng(上京城). That's because Shanggyeongsheng(上京城) with a threefold-castle structure(三重城) of royal palace(宮城)-internal castle(內城)-external castle(外城) in the side-to-side checkerboard type symmetrical structure has the most paradigmatic castle structure not only in Balhae but also in East Asia. Despite the fact that such structure of Shanggyeongsheng(上京城) has a lot of similarities in the type with Sudangchangansheng(上京城) in Chungwon, scholars were skeptical that it had the same structure with Sudangchangansheng(上京城) at the time when transferring the capital. If we review the result of excavation of Shanggyeongsheng(上京城) and the findings of the senior scholars, it can be understood that Shanggyeongsheng(上京城) has not only the structure of Sudangchangansheng(上京城) but also accepted the principle of construction projected in it. It was confirmed that there is room for reconsideration on the theory of step-by-step construction(段階別築造) which was claimed based on the point that the construction like today's construction was impossible with the level of national power at that time in that the layers whose difference in construction time between the place No. 2, the central point of the royal palace, and the palaces No. 3~5 could be found were not identified, in that the whole Shanggyeongsheng(上京城) was planned by the same standard scale and finally in that there is a good possibility of accepting Samjoje(三朝制). The Shanggyeongsheng(上京城) is the result of the construction conducted by careful planning from the beginning, and with its close relation with the King Mun's(文王) policy of civilian government(文治), it shows that the governing system of the state was completed during the reign of King Mun. Therefore, the construction of the capital and the principle of construction(造營原理) projected in it are based on the premise that the Chungwon culture(中原文化) was being understood to a considerable level, and this means that the view of the world(天下觀) that he wanted to implement expanded throughout the whole Balhae.