• Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention
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• v.15 no.14
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• pp.5951-5957
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• 2014

Background: Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM) possesses several advantages for treating patients with hepatocellular carcinoma (HCC). The theory of 'Jianpi Huayu Therapy' rooted from 'Jin Kui Yao Lue'is one of the most important therapies in this respect. This study was conducted to investigate the clinical effect and safety of hepatectomy combining with 'Jianpi Huayu Therapy' in the treatment of HCC. Materials and Methods: One hundred and twenty patients with HCC were randomized allocated into hepatectomy combined with 'Jianpi Huayu Therapy' group (treatment group, n=60) and hepatectomy alone group (control group, n=60). Disease- free survival (DFS) and overall survival (OS) were the primary end-points. Liver function at the end of one week after surgery, complications, average days of hospitalization as well as performance status (PS) at the end of one month post operation were also compared. Results: No significant differences existed between two groups on baseline analysis (p>0.05). No treatment related mortality occurred in either group. Post-operative complications were detected among 14 patients (23.3%) in the treatment group, and 12 (20.0%) in the control group (p=0.658). Alanine aminotransferase (ALT) at the end of one week after operation was lower in the treatment than control groups (p=0.042). No significant differences in other indexes of liver function were discovered between two groups. Average days of hospitalization reduced by 0.9 day in treatment group than in control (p=0.034). During follow-up, 104 patients (86.6%) developed recurrence. The rates of 1-, 3-, and 5-year DFS and median DFS for all patients were 77.4%, 26.3%, 9.0% and 25.6 months (range, 6.0~68.0), respectively (78.2%, 29.2%, 14.3% and 28.7 months for the 48 patients in the treatment group and 75.0%, 23.3%, 6.4%, and 22.6 months for the 56 patients in the control group (p=0.045)). 101 patients had died at the time of censor, with 1-, 3-, and 5-year overall survival rates and median survival for all patients of 97.5%, 76.4%, 40.5% and 51.2 months (range, 10.0~72.0), respectively (98.3%, 78.0%, 43.6% and 52.6 months, for treatment and 96.7%, 74.7%, 37.4%, and 49.8 months, for controls, respectively (p=0.048)). Conclusions: Hepatectomy combined with 'Jianpi Huayu therapy'was effective in the treatment of HCC, and reduced post-operative recurrence and metastasis and improved DFS and OS of HCC patients.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.17
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• pp.15-31
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• 2008

This study aims to analysis and measure on the private security for the academic directivity and security industry for the market directivity in Korea. For this study we compare and analysis the curriculum of 15 universities in Korea and the papers which were published on "Korean Security Science Review" that is a report in a professional private security. In conclusion, 269 subjects are used as instructional materials in 15 universities, thus 103 subjects for the private security and 60 for the leisure sports and first-aid treatment, 46 for the social science, 30 for the martial arts and shooting, 16 for the secretary affairs, 14 for the foreign languages. Regarding scientistic papers, 45.7% of papers for the private security of all and 14.6% for the public security, 14.6% for the criminal, and 11.6% for the terror etc. But there are any papers for the facilities guard or security in spite of the facilities guard is pivotal role in this field. The facilities guard or security, or maybe house detective, holds 80.5% of the private security market and it is important role in this industry in Korea. Besides, considering development of private security, the security market makeup the body-guard field hold 12.2%, prevention security system by censor hold 4.1%. So, this statistics show that the facilities guard lead practically the private security industry in this field, but there are any subjects for the education and any research for the paper. Thus some modification on the universities curriculum is required, also needs activity research in the facilities guard field for the development private security.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.7
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• pp.95-124
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• 2004

It can be said that 'the September 11th Terrorist Attacks' in 2001 were not only the indiscriminate attacks on innocent people but also the whole - political, economical and military - attacks on human life. Also, 'the September 11th Terrorist Attacks' can be regarded as the significant events in the history of world, which were on the peak of the super-terrorism or new-terrorism that had emerged from the 1980s. However, if one would have analysed the developments of terrorism from the 1970s, they could have been foreknown without difficulty. The finding from this study can be summarized as the followings, First, in spite that the USA responsive system against terrorism had been assessed as perfect before 'the September 11th Terrorist Attacks', the fragilities were found in the aspects of the response on the new-terrorism or super-terrorism. The previous responsive system before 'the September 11th Terrorist Attacks' had the following defects as the followings: (1) it was impossible to establish the integrated strategy, because the organizations related to the response against terrorism had not integrated; (2) there were some weakness to collect and diffuse the informations related to terrorism; (3) the security system for the domestic airline service in USA and the responsive system of air defense against terrors on aircraft were very fragile. For these reasons, USA government established the 'Department of Homeland Security' of which the President is the head so that the many organizations related to terrorism were integrated into a single management system. And, it legislated a new act to protect security from terrors, which legalized of the wiretapping in spite of the risk of encroachment upon personal rights, increased the jail terms upon terrorists, froze the bank related to terrorist organization, and could censor e-mails. Second, it seem that Korean responsive system against terrors more fragile than that of USA. One of the reasons is that people have some perception that Korea is a safe zone from terrors, because there were little attacks from international terrorists in Korea. This can be found from the fact that the legal arrangement against terrorism is only the President's instruction No. 47. Under this responsive system against terrorism dependent on only the President's instruction, it is expected that there would be a poor response against terrors due to the lack of unified and integrated responsive agency as like the case of USA before 'the September 11th Terrorist Attacks'. And, where there is no legal countermeasure, it is impossible to expect the binding force on the outside of administrative agencies and the performances to prevent and hinder the terrorist actions can not but be limited. That is to say, the current responsive system can not counteract effectively against the new-terrorism and super-terrorism. Third, although there were some changes in Korean government's policies against terrorism. there still are problems. One of the most important problems is that the new responsive system against terrorism in Korea, different from that of USA, is not a permanent agency but a meeting body that is organized by a commission. This commission is controled by the Prime Minister and the substantial tasks are under the National Intelligence Service. Under this configuration, there can be the lack of strong leadership and control. Additionally, because there is no statute to response against terrorism, it is impossible to prevent and counteract effectively against terrorism. The above summarized suggests that, because the contemporary super-terrorism or new-terrorism makes numerous casualties of unspecified persons and enormous nationwide damages, the thorough prevention against terrorism is the most important challenge, and that the full range of legal and institutional arrangements for the ex post counteraction should be established. In order to do so, it is necessary for the government to make legal and institutional arrangements such as the permanent agency for protection from terrorism in which the related departments cooperates with together and the development of efficient anti-terror programs, and to show its willingness and ability that it can counteract upon any type of domestic and foreign terrorism so that obtain the active supports and confidence from citizens.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.349-392
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• 2019

In the 1960s of Korea, the normalization of diplomatic relations between Korea and Japan led to a sense of a vigorous anxiety and fear that "Japan will once again come to the Korean peninsula". As a reaction to this, the discourse on the criticism of 'Japanese Style' strongly emerged. If the prior discourse of criticism was to express the national antipathy toward the colonial remnants that had not yet been disposed of, the critical discourse of the 1960s was the wariness of the newly created 'Japanese Style' in popular culture, and to grasp it as a symptomatic phenomenon that 'evil-minded Japan' was revealed. Thus, this new logic of criticism of the 'Japanese Style' had a qualitative difference from the existing ones. It was accompanied by a willingness to inspect and censor the 'masses' that grew up as consumers of transnational 'mass culture' that flowed and chained in the geopolitical order under the Cold War system. Therefore, the topology of 'popular things=Japanese things=consuming things' reveals the paradox of moral demands that existed within Korean society in the 1960s. This was to solidify the divisive circulation structure that caused them to avoid direct contact with the other called 'Japan', but at the same time, get as close to it as ever. It is a repetitive obsession that pushes the other to another side through the moral segregation that strictly draws a line of demarcation between oneself and the other, but on the other hand is attracted to the object and pulls it back to its side. This paper intends to listen to the different voices that have arisen in the repetitive obsession to understand the significance of the dissonance that has been repeated in the contemporary era. This will be an examination of the paradoxical object of Japan that has been repeatedly asked to build the internal control principle of Korean society, or to hide the oppressive and violent side of the power, and that can neither be accepted nor destroyed completely as part of oneself.