• Title/Summary/Keyword: COUP

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A Retinoid Antagonist Inhibits the Retinoic Acid Response Element that Located in the Promoter Region of the Cytomegalovirus

  • Lee, Mi-Ock;Ahn, Ju-Mi;Han, Sun-Young
    • Biomolecules & Therapeutics
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    • v.6 no.3
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    • pp.276-282
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    • 1998
  • Retinoids regulate a wide variety of biological processes such as cellular proliferation and differentiation in many cell types. They have also shown to stimulate replication of several viruses including human cytomegalovirus (CMV). Retinoid signalling pathway involves two distinct subfamilies of nuclear receptors, retinoic acid receptors (RARs) and retinoid X receptors (RXRs) that bind to specific retinoic acid response elements (RAREs) in the promoter regions of retinoid-target genes. Here, we characterized RAREs in the regulatory regions of the CMV and of the hepatitis B vi.us (HBV). The viral RAREs, i.e., CMV-RARE and HBV-RARE, are composed of two consensus RARE half-sites (A/GGGTCA) arranged as a direct repeat separated by 5-bp and 1-bp, respectively. The RAREs were activated by both RAR/RXR heterodimers and RXR homodimers in transient transfection experiments. We also found that COUP-TF$\alpha$ (chicken ovalbumin upstream promoter-transcription factor u) and COUP-TF$\beta$ repressed the retinoid response of the viral elements. Further we demonstrated that previously known retinoid antagonist, SRI 1330, repressed retinoid-induced transactivation of the CMV-RARE. These results implicate Vitamin A, it's nuclear receptors and COUP-TFs as important regulators of the CMV and HBV pathogenesis and the SRl1330 as potential negative modulator of such retinoid-dependent processes.

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Background and Characteristics of the 1954 Military Coup in Guatemala (과테말라 1954년 군부 쿠데타의 배경과 특징)

  • Kim, Dal-Kwan
    • Iberoamérica
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    • v.23 no.2
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    • pp.1-54
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    • 2021
  • On December 29, 1996, the Guatemala government and guerrilla group "Unidad Revolucionaria Nacional Guatemala: URNG" signed the "Guatemalan Peace Agreement," ending the civil war that lasted in Guatemala for 36 years (1960-1996). During the 36-year civil war, 200,000 people were killed or missing, and 400,000 Guatemalans fled Guatemala as a result of the civil war. In June 1954, with the help of the United States, Carlos Castillo Armas (1954-1957) coup d'état in Guatemala overthrew the then government of Jacobo Arbenz Guzmán (1950-1954). Armas later became president of Guatemala. Armas was assassinated in 1957, and a 36-year civil war began in 1958 when Miguel Ydígoras Fuentes (1958-1963), a conservative, was elected president. Armas later became president of Guatemala. Armas was assassinated in 1957, and a 36-year civil war began in 1958 when Miguel Ydígoras Fuentes (1958-1963), a conservative, was elected president. Idygoras was rated as America's puppet president for the benefit of American corporations. Although Guatemala's 36-year civil war began with the government of Idigoras, more fundamentally, the 1954 coup d'état was the cause of the 36-year civil war. The purpose of this study is to examine the background and characteristics of the 1954 coup in Guatemala.

Thailand four years after the coup: the struggle against the dissenters

  • Bunyavejchewin, Poowin
    • Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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    • v.10 no.2
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    • pp.47-56
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    • 2011
  • After the 2006 coup $d^{\prime}{\acute{e}}tat$, there were many unusual incidents in Thailand, some of which involved considerable bloodshed, which originated from clashes between those in power and dissenters. This article examines how political institutions in Thailand are structured, and the author argues that, in order to effectively assess the state of Thai politics after the coup, an analysis of the structures of political legitimacy in the country is essential. The author will be exploring the way in which political legitimacy is generally determined by the established power holders, especially the monarchy and its allies. The ideologies and beliefs of recent dissenters will also be examined in detail.

Dress and Ideology during the period of 4.19 Revolution and the 5.16 Coup in the early 1960s Korea (4.19 혁명과 5.16 군사정변기의 이데올로기와 복식)

  • Lee, Min Jung
    • Fashion & Textile Research Journal
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    • v.16 no.5
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    • pp.706-718
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    • 2014
  • Ideology which symbolizes the belief system about the order of human society represents itself in a concrete form through dress which reflects material and conceptual world. In the early 1960s Korea, where a civil revolution and a military coup took place, good examples of dress representing ideology could be found. This study investigates the dress representing ideology of the period, and examines its manifestation and aspect of transition. Literature survey and case study were conducted. The following results were obtained: First, dress representing ideology was symbolically verifying its differences and was changing with the course of time. There were the flow going down from the government, and the flow going up from the movement of the civilian. Through this process, design elements of ideological dress were combined in a dialectic way to form a new representational dress such as Jaegunbok. Second, costly and luxurious clothes meant a tool to rule over people, and the opposition was uniform meaning equality. In 1960 Korea, black waves of school uniforms appeared to lead the social change. A year later, the military government seized power in a 5.16 coup and it enforced uniform upon every people to achieve equal austerity and modernized spirit. Lastly, cotton, which was originated from Gandhi's movement in India, was symbolizing nationalism till the early 1960s in Korea meaning the funding own development with own resources.

Reading George Washington Cable's The Grandissimes: The Case of Bras-Coupé (조지 워싱턴 케이블의 『그랑디심 일가』 읽기: "브라-쿠페 이야기"를 중심으로)

  • Yook, Eun-Jung
    • English & American cultural studies
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    • v.18 no.4
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    • pp.65-102
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    • 2018
  • This paper focuses on "The Story of $Bras-Coup{\acute{e}}$" in George Washington Cable's The Grandissimes (1880), a story to and around which Cable claimed the larger work was built. It tells of an African candio sold into slavery who, to the dismay of his white purchasers, refuses to work, strikes his master, and runs away to lead a life of a fugitive in the swamps. He is finally captured, whipped, and maimed, but not before he casts a powerful voodoo curse at his master and his plantation. He dies a heroic death, with the last words that he goes "To--Africa." Cable once said that he "meant The Grandissimes as truly a political work as it ever has been called." It is a political work in that $Bras-Coup{\acute{e}}^{\prime}s$ personal rebellion is associated with much-feared slave revolts, especially the black revolution in San Domingue/Haiti. There is also $Honor{\acute{e}}$ f.m.c. (free man of color), one of the narrators of "The Story of $Bras-Coup{\acute{e}}$" and a stand-in for the Freedmen in the postbellum United States, who nurses his own insurrectionary flame. Through these figures Cable makes a "terrible suggestion" that a black revolution is on the horizon unless whites would not mend their ways soon.

Formation of Corporate Governance in Korea: The Rise of Chaebols (1910-1980)

  • Gwon, Jae-Hyun
    • Asian Journal of Business Environment
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    • v.5 no.4
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    • pp.67-72
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    • 2015
  • Purpose - This aim of this study is to examine how conglomerates in Korea have evolved from the perspective of institutional economics. The growth of the economy, dominated by large conglomerates, is projected in light of the dynamic equilibrium between government and capitalists. Research design, data, and methodology - The historical formation of big business groups is examined in chronological order. For the analysis, we divide the assessment into three different eras: Japanese colonial rule, liberation up to the civil war, and the fast growing period since the military coup. Each period is viewed as a dynamic equilibrium that is shaped by economic agents. Results and Conclusion - Despite the rise of modern commerce during the colonial era, contemporary conglomerates came into being with the "enemy property" allotted by the government. Around the civil war, the government coexisted with prototype conglomerates through foreign aid. As the external aid decreased, the system could not be sustained anymore, thus the military coup took place. The reinstated strong bond between government and the conglomerates has shaped the forms of the modern conglomerates thereafter.

The Necessity of Countermeasure Against China's Nationalism Approaches to Ieodo: Analysis of China's Media Contents of Ieodo(2006~2008) (이어도에 대한 중국의 민족주의적 접근과 대응 필요성: 중국의 언론보도(2006~2008) 내용 분석)

  • Koh, Choong-Suk
    • Strategy21
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    • s.31
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    • pp.120-141
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    • 2013
  • Korea, China, and Japan forms triangle structure which mixed complicatedly on the history and maritime territorial disputes. Nationalism lies on the basis of triangle structure, and it is a main factor which increase tension and conflicts among three countries. Considering dynamics of changing nationalism circumstance, Ieodo issue needs to prepare active countermeasures which considers cope with nationalism confrontations. The aim of this article is suggests preparations of active countermeasures cope with nationalism provocative actions. First, I will specify nationalism as a factor of territorial dispute, and review characters of Ieodo issue. Second, I will analyse China's nationalism to Ieodo through analysis of China's media contents and coverage trend of Ieodo issue (2006~2008). I will suggest necessity of active defense measures coup with China's nationalism, basis of these analysis. As a result, China's nationalism might be a criterion which measures of China's desire for Ieodo. Stimulating Ieodo coverage of China's state media can be a criterion which predicts China governments's for Jurisdiction of Ieodo. We need active measures coup with China's nationalism Which evolves into a much more bold and assertive.

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The Red-Shirted Groups' Ideology, Organization, and Action in the Post-Thaksin Era (포스트- 탁신 시대의 '붉은셔츠': 이념·조직·행동)

  • PARK, Eunhong
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.23 no.1
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    • pp.89-126
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    • 2013
  • The Red shirts came to attract attention of the international community during April to May in 2010 by successfully organizing explosive popular demonstrations. The momentum was the military coup on September 9, 2006. The Red color was chosen amid movements against the new constitution instituted under the military junta. In discourse struggles, the Red shirts compared their resistance against the Democratic Party government lead by Abhisit Vejjajiva to that of phrai (commoner or serfs) against ammart (aristocrats or bureaucrats) under the pre-modern reign of sakdina. The Red shirts strongly accused Prem Tinsulanonda, the chief of the Privy Council, of being a mastermind of 2006 military coup, who symbolically represents the cohesion between the palace and the military. It has constituted an unprecedented defiance towards national taboo where the trinity of Nation, Religion, and King has been consecrated. The objective of this article is to review the Red Shirts' ideology, organizations and activities in terms of the modernized phrai's struggles for expanding counter-hegemony. While Antonio Gramsci focused on why socialist revolution had failed to materialize in capitalist Western Europe, I pay attention to why political liberalism has failed to wash away pre-modernity and take root in capitalist Thailand, applying the Gramscian concept of hegemony by contrasting 'hybrid ammart' with 'modernized phrai'.