• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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• v.18
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• pp.1-27
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• 1975

Experiment I: A field experiment was conducted in an attempt to find the effect of top-dressing at heading time in different levels of nitrogen application and of different positioned leaf blades formed by the treatment of leaf defoliation at heading time on the ripening and the yield of rice. The results obtained are as follows: 1. Average number of ears per hill and average number of grains per ear in different levels of nitrogen application were increased as the amount of nitrogen applied was increased. while the rate of ripened grains the yield of rough rice and the weight of 1, 000 kernels of brown rice were decreased respectively as the amount of nitrogen applied was increased. 2. The rate of ripened grains and the weight of 1.000 kernels of brown rice in different levels of nitrogen, top-dressing at heading time were larger than those in control and increased. The yield of rough rice although statistically significant differences were not recognized, were numerically increased. 3. The rate of ripened grains, the yield of rough rice, the weight of 1, 000 kernels of brown rice and the rate of hulling in different treatments of leaf defoliation were remarkably decreased as the degree of leaf-defoliation became larger. 4. The rate of ripened grains, the yield of rough rice, the weight of 1, 000 kernels of brown rice and the rate of hulling in different combinations of number of remained leaves positioned differently, formed the order of $L_1(flag leaf)>L_2>L_3>L_4$ when only one leaf blade was remained, and were increased as the positions of leaves were higher when two leaf blades. were, remained. 5. In case of decrease in the number of leaf blades positioned differently, by the treatment of leaf. defoliation, rate of ripened grains, the yield of rough rice, the weight of 1, 000 kernels of brown rice and the rate of hulling were increased as the area of remained leaves became larger and the nitrogen content of a leaf blade was increased. 6. There was a tendency that the increase in the amount of fertilizer application made the rate of ripened grains and the weight of 1, 000 kernels of brown rice reduced in any number of remained leaf blades, but the application of top-dressing at heading. time resulted in the reverse tendency. The yield of rough rice showed a tendency to be increased as the amount of basal dressing and top-dressing increased and for the application of top-dressing at heading time, the yield of rough rice was less at the smaller number of those. 7. The productivity effect of the rate of ripened grains and the yield of brown rice covered by leaf blades was more than 50 per cent and that of the. weight of 1, 000 kernels of brown rice was not more than 1.0 percent. As the amount of nitrogen application increased the. effect of leaf blades on the rate of ripened. grains and the weight of 1, 000 kernels of brown rice was increased. The effect of leaf blades on the weight of brown rice was increased as the amount of basal dressing-application, but the effect was decreased as the amount of top-dressing at heading time increased, 8. The productivity effects of different positioned leaf blades on the rate of ripened grains, the yield of rough rice and the weight of 1, 000 kernels of brown rice were in order of $L_1(flag leaf)>L_2>L_3>L_4$ the productivity effects of $L_1$ and $L_2$ had a tendency to be increased as the amount of nitrogen applied was increased. Experiment II: A field experiment was done in order to disclose the effect of the time of nitrogen application on yield component and the effect of different positioned leaves formed by leaf defoliation at heading time on the rate of ripened grains and the yield of rice. The results obtained are as follows: 1. Average number of ears per hill was increased in the treatment of nitrogen application from basal dressing to 22 days before heading and in the treatment of application distributed weekly. Number of grains was increased in the treatment of nitrogen application from 36 days to 15 days before heading. The rate of ripened grains was, lower in the treatment of nitrogen application from top-dressing to 15 days before heading than in that of non-application, was higher in the treatment of nitrogen application within 8 days before heading, and was the lowest in that of application 29 days before heading. The yield of rough rice was the highest in the treatment of nitrogen application from 29 days to 22 days before heading. The weight of 1, 000 kernels of brown rice was a little high in the treatment of application from 29 days to 8 days before heading. 2. The rate of ripened grains the yield of rough rice, the weight of 1, 000 kernels of brown rice and the rate of hulling in different treatments of leaf defoliation were remarkably decreased as the degree of leaf defoliation got larger and there were highly significant differences among treatments. There was also a recognized interaction between the time of nitrogen application and leaf defoliation. 3. In relation to the rate of ripened grains, the weight of 1. 000 kernels of brown rice and the rate of hulling in different numbers of remained leaves positioned differently and their combinations, the yield components were in order of $L_1(flag leaf)>L_2>L_3>L_4$ when only one leaf was remained, which indicated that the components were increased as the leaf position got higher. When two laves were remained, the rate of ripened grains, the yield of rough rice and rate of hulling were high in case of the combinations of upper positioned leaves, and the increase in the weight of 1, 000 kernels of brown rice appeared to be affected most]y by flag leaf. When three leaf blades were remained similarly the components were increased with the combination of upper positioned leaf blades. 4. In case of decreased different positioned leaf blades by treatment of leaf defoliation, there was a significant positive regression between the leaf area, the dry matter weight of leaf blades and the nitrogen contents of leaf blades, and rate of ripened grains and the yield of rough rice, but there was no constant tendency between the former components and the weight of 1. 000 kernels of brown rice. 5. The closer the time of fertilizer application to heading time, the more the rate of ripened grains and the weight of 1, 000 kernels was decreased by defoliation, and the less were the remained leaf blades, the more remarkable was the tendency. The rate of ripened grains and the weight of 1. 000 kernels was increased by the top-dressing after heading time as the number of remained leaf blades. When the number of remained leaf blades was small the yield of rough rice was increased as the time of fertilizer application was closer to heading time. 6. Discussing the productivity effects of different organs in different times of nitrogen application, the productivity effect of a leaf blade on the rate of ripened grains was higher as the time of nitrogen application got later, and in the treatment of non-fertilization the productivity effect of a leaf blade and that of culm were the same. In the productivity effect on the yield of brown rice, the effect of culm covered more than 50 percent independently on the time of nitrogen application, and the tendency was larger in the treatment of non-fertilizer. The productivity effect of culm on the weight of 1. 000 kernels of brown rice was more than 90 percent, and the productivity effect of a leaf blade was increased as the time of application got later. 7. The productivity effect of a leaf blade in different positions on the rate of ripened grains, the yield of rough rice and the weight of 1, 000 kernels of brown rice had a tendency to be increased as the time of application got later and as the position of leaf blades got higher. In the treatment of weekly application through the entire growing period, the rate of ripened grains and the yield of rough rice were affected by flag leaf and the second leaf at the same level, the but the weight of 1, 000 kernels of brown rice was affected by flag leaf with more than 60 percent of the yield of total leaves.

• Current Research on Agriculture and Life Sciences
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• v.6
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• pp.49-69
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• 1988

In order to develop a cropping system that can produce garlic in the period of short supply from March to April, effects of low temperature treatment of seed bulbs and planting dates, starting date of low temperature treatment, days of low temperature treatment on plant growth, maturity and yield were studied in Southern strain, 'Namhae' and in Northern strain, 'Euiseong' of garlic (Allium sativum). The results obtained were as follows. In Sorthern strain, sprouting was significantly enhanced by low temperature treatment only in Sep. 14, and Sep. 29 plantings. Days to sprout were least in 30 days of low temperature treatment of Sep. 14 planting and in 45 days treatment of Sep. 29 planting. When considering on the beginning date of low temperature treatment, a marked difference was observed between treatments started before July 31 and after Aug. 15. Sprouting was most enhanced in 45 days low temperature treatment of Aug. 15 and Aug. 30 plantings. In Northern strain, sprouting was en hanced by low temperature treatment in planting from Sep. 29 to Nov. 13 and low temperature treatment for 60 days was most effective. Effect of low temperature treatment on early plant growth was observed in Sep. 14 and Sep. 29 plantings, but the effect on plant growth at intermediate stage or thereafter was observed in up to Oct. 29 plantings. Optimun days for low temperature treatment on growth enhancement was 45 and 60 days in Southern strain and 60 days in Northern strain in each planting dates. In Southern strain, the longer the low temperature treatment and the later the planting date the less the number of leaves developed. In Northern strain, normal leaves were not developed in plantings from Sep. 14 to Nov. 13. In Southern strain, clove differentiation and bulbing were earlist in 45 and 60 days treatment of Sep. 14, Sep. 29, and Oct. 14 planting initiated on July 31 and Aug. 15. In Northern strain, clove differentiation and bulbing were earlist in 60 days treatment of Oct. 14 planting initiated on Aug. 15 and Aug. 30. In treatment initiated later than above, longer the low temperature treatment the earlier the clove differentiation and bulbing in both Southern and Northern strains. The earlier the initiation date and the longer of low temperature treatment, the earlier bolting in southern strain. In Northern strain, bolting was most enhanced in 45 and 60 days of low temperature treatment initiated on Aug. 15 and Aug. 30. The longer the low temperature treatment in plantings thereafter, the earlier the bolting. The earlier the planting date garlic bulbs. Harvest date was earliest in 45 and 60 days low temperature treatment started from July 31 to Aug. 30 in Southern strain, and it was in 60 and 90 days low temperature treatment initiated from July 31 to Aug. 30 in Northern strain. Bulb weight was heaviest in 45 days low temperature treatment of Oct. 14 planting and next was in 45 days treatment of Sep. 29 planting in Southern strain. In Northern strain, bulb weight was heaviest in 60 days treatment of Oct. 14 planting and next was in 45 days treatment of Oct. 14 planting. When considered in the aspect of the beginning date of low temperature treatment, bulb weight was heaviest in 45 days treatment started on Aug. 30 in Southern strain and in 60 days treatment started on Aug. 15 in Northern strain. A high negative correlation between days to harvest and plant height on January 12, and a high positive correlation between days to harvest and days clove differentiation were observed. This indicates that enhanced plant growth and clove differentiation induced by low temperature treatment advanced the harvest date. A high negative correlation between bulb weight and days to clove differentiation, days to harvest suggests that the enhanced clove differentiation result and in heavier bulb weight. From the above results, it suggested that early crop of garlic can be harvested by planting at the period of Sep. 29 to Oct. 14 after 45 days of low temperature treatment of seed bulbs of Southern strain. Then harvest date can be shortened by 30 days compared to control and garlic can be harvested in early April.

• The Korean Journal of Mycology
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.13-73
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• 1979

These studies were conducted to investigate nutrient sources and supplementary materials of synthetic compost media for Agaricus bisporus culture. Investigation were carried out to establish the optimum composition for compost of Agaricus bisporus methods of out-door fermentation and peakheating with rice straw as the main substrate of the media. The incidence and flora of harmful organisms in rice straw compost and their control were also studied. 1. When rice straw was used as the main substrate in synthetic compost as a carbon source. yields were remarkably high. Fermentation was more rapid than that of barley straw or wheat straw, and the total nitrogen content was high in rice straw compost. 2. Since the morphological and physico-chemical nature of Japonica and Indica types of rice straw are greatly dissimilar. there were apparent differences in the process of compost fermentation. Fermentation of Indica type straw proceeded more rapidly with a shortening the compost period, reducing the water supply, and required adding of supplementary materials for producing stable physical conditions. 3. Use of barley straw compost resulted in a smaller crop compared with rice straw. but when a 50%, barley straw and 50% rice straw mixture was used, the yield was almost the same as that using only rice straw. 4. There were extremely high positive correlations between yield of Agaricus bisporus and the total nitrogen, organic nitrogen, amino acids, amides and amino sugar nitrogen content of compost. The mycerial growth and fruit body formation were severely inhibited by ammonium nitrogen. 5. When rice straw was used as the main substrate for compost media, urea was the most suitable source of nitrogen. Poor results were obtained with calcium cyanamide and ammonium sulfate. When urea was applied three separate times, nitrogen loss during composting was decreased and the total nitrogen content of compost was increased. 6. The supplementation of organic nutrient activated compost fermentation and increased yield of Agaricus bisporus. The best sources of organic nutrients were: perilla meal, sesame meal, wheat bran and poultry manure, etc. 7. Soybean meal, tobacco powder and glutamic acid fermentation by-products which were industrial wastes, could be substituted for perilla meal, sesame meal and wheat bran as organic nutrient sources for compost media. B. When gypsum and zeolite were added to rice straw. physical deterioration of compost due to excess moisture and caramelization was observed. The Indica type of straw was more remarkable in increase of yield of Agricus bisporus by addition of supplementing materials than Japonica straw. 9. For preparing rice straw compost, the best mixture was prepared by 10% poultry manure, 5% perilla meal, 1. 2 to 1. 5% urea and 1% gypsum. At spring cropping, it was good to add rice bran to accelerate heat generation of the compost heap. 10. There was significantly high positive correlation (r=0.97) between accumulated temperature and the decomposition degree of compost during outdoor composting. The yield was highest at accumulated temperatures between 900 and $1,000^{\circ}C$. 11. Prolonging the composting period brought about an increase in decomposition degree and total nitrogen content, but a decrease in ammonium nitrogen. In the spring the suitable period of composting was 20 to 25 days. and about 15 days in autumn. For those periods, the degree of decomposition was 19 to 24%. 12. Compactness of wet compost at filling caused an increase in the residual ammonium nitrogen. methane and organic acid during peak heating. There was negative correlation between methane content and yield (r=0.76)and the same was true between volatile organic acid and yield (r=0.73). 13. In compost with a moisture content range between 69 to 80% at filling. the higher the moisture content, the lower the yield (r=0.78). This result was attributed to a reduction in the porosity of compost at filling the beds. The optimum porosity for good fermentation was between 41 and 53%. 14. Peak heating of the compost was essential for the prevention of harmful microorganisms and insect pests. and for the removal of excess ammonia. It was necessary to continue fer mentatiion for four days after peak heating. 15. Ten species of fungi which are harmful or competitive to Agaricus bisporus were identified from the rice compost, including Diehliomyces microsporus, Trichoderma sp. and Stysanus stemoites. The frequency of occurrance was notably high with serious damage to Agaricus bisporus. 16. Diehliomyces microsporus could be controlled by temperature adjustment of the growing room and by fumigating the compost and the house with Basamid and Vapam. Trichoderma was prevented by the use of Bavistin and Benomyl. 17. Four species of nematodes and five species of mites occured in compost during out-door composting. These orgnanisms could be controlled through peakheating compost for 6 hours at $60^{\circ}C$.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.1-44
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• 1973

Needless to say, the management of national forest in all countries is very important in view of the national mission and management purposes. Korean national forest is also in particular significant in promoting national economy for the continuous increasing of the demand for wood, conservation of the land and social welfare. But there's no denying the fact that the leading aim of the Korean forest policy has been based upon the conservation of forest resources and recovery of land conservation function instead of improvement of the forest productive capacity. Therefore, the management of national forest should be aimed as an industry in the chain of the Korean national economy. And the increment of the forest productive capacity based on rationalized forest management is also urgently needed. Not only the increment of the timber production but also the establishment of the good forest in quality and quantity are to bring naturally many functions of conservation and other public benefits. In 1908 Korean national forest was historically established for the first time as a result of the notification for ownership, and was divided into two kinds in 1911-1924, such as indisposable national forest for land conservation, forest management, scientific research and public welfare, and the other national forest to be disposed. Indisposable forest is mostly under the jurisdiction of national forest stations (Chungbu, Tongbu, Nambu), and the tother national forests are under custody of respective cities and provinces, and under custody of the other government authorities. As of the end of 1971, national forest land is 19.5% (1,297,708 ha) of the total forest land area, but growing stock is 50.1% ($35,406,079m^3$) of the total forest growing stock, and timber production of national forest is 23.6% ($205,959m^3$) of the year production of total timber in Korea. Accordingly, it is the important fact that national forest occupies the major part of Korean forestry. The author positively affirms that success or failure of the management of national forest controls rise or fall of forestry in Korea. All functions of forest are very important, but among others the function of timber production is most important especially in Korea, that unavoidably imports a large quantity of foreign wood every year (in 1971 import of foreign wood-$3,756,000m^3$, 160,995,000 dollars). So, Korea urgently needs the improvement of forest productive capacity in national forest. But it is difficult that wood production meets the rapid increase of demand for wood to the development of economy, because production term of forestry is long, so national forest management should be rationalized by the effective investment and development of forestry techniques in the long view. Although Korean national forest business has many difficulties in the budget, techniques and the lack of labour due to outflow of rural village labour by development of national economy, and the increase of labour wages and administrative expenses etc. the development of national forest depends on adoption of the suitable forest techniques and management adapted for social and economical development. In this view point the writer has investigated and analyzed the status of the management of national forest in Korea to examine the irrational problems and suggest an improvement plan. The national forestry statistics cited in this study is based on the basic statistics and the statistics of the forest business as of the end of 1971 published by Office of Forestry, Republic of Korea, and the other depended on the data presented by the national forest stations. The writer wants to propose as follows (seemed to be helpful in improvement of Korean national forest management). 1) In the organization of national forest management, more national forest stations should be established to manage intensively, and the staff of working plan officials should be strengthened because of the importance of working plan. 2) By increasing the staff of protection officials, forest area assigned for each protection official should be decreased to 1,000-2,000 ha. 3) The frequent personnel changes of supervisor of national forest station(the responsible person on-the-spot) obstructs to accomplish the consistent management plan. 4) In the working plan drafting for national forest, basic investigations should be carefully practiced with sufficient expenditure and staff not to draft unreal working plan. 5) The area of working-unit should be decreased to less than 2,000 ha on the average for intensive management and the principle of a working-unit in a forest station should be realized as soon as possible. 6) Reforestation on open land should be completed in a short time with a debt of the special fund(a long term loan), and the land on which growing hardwood stands should be changed with conifers to increase productivity per unit area, and at the same time techical utilization method of hardwood should be developed. 7) Expenses of reforestation should be saved by mechanization and use of chemicals for reforestation and tree nursery operation providing against the lack of labour in future. 8) In forest protection, forest fire damage is enormous in comparison with foreign countries, accordingly prevention system and equipment should be improved, and also the minimum necessary budget should be counted up for establishment and manintenance of fire-lines. 9) Manufacture production should be enlarged to systematize protection, processing and circulation of forest business, and, by doing this, mich benefit is naturally given for rural people. 10) Establishment and arrangement of forest road networks and erosion control work are indispensable for the future development of national forest itself and local development. Therefore, these works should be promoted by the responsibility of general accounting instead of special accounting. 11) Mechanization of forest works should be realized for exploiting hinterlands to meet the demand for timber increased and for solving lack of labour, consequently it should promote import of forest machines, home production, training for operaters and careful adminitration. 12) Situation of labour in future will grow worse. Therefore, the countermeasure to maintain forest labourers and pay attention to public welfare facilities and works should be considered. 13) Although the condition of income and expenditure grows worse because of economical change, the regular expenditure should be fixed. So part of the surplus fund, as of the end of 1971, should be established for the fund, and used for enlarging reforestation and forest road networks(preceding investment in national forest).

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.37-76
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• 2017

$Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.4
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• pp.172-205
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• 2011

Go bears significant meanings in terms of cultural and entertaining functions in Asia Eastern such as China and Japan. Beyond the mere entertaining level, it produces philosophical and mythic discourse as well. As a part of effort to seek an identity of Korean traditional garden culture, this study traced back to find meanings of rock-go-board and taste for the arts which ancestors pursued in playing Go game, through analysis and interpretation of correlation among origin of place name, nearby scenery, carved letters and vicinal handed-down place name. At the same time, their position, shape and location types were interpreted through comprehensive research and analysis of stone-go-boards including rock-go-board. Particularly, it focused on the rock names related to Sundoism(仙道) Ideal world, fixed due to a connection between traces of Sundoism and places in a folk etymology. Series of this work is to highlight features of the immortal sceneries, one of traditional landscaping ideals, by understanding place identity and scenic features of where the rock-go-boards are carved. These works are expected to become foundation for promotion and preservation of the traditional landscaping remains. The contents of this study could be summarized as follows; First, round stone and square board for round sky and angled land, black and white color for harmony of yin and yang and 361paths for rotating sky are symbols projecting order of universe. Sayings of Gyuljungjirak(橘中之樂), Sangsansaho(商山四皓), Nangagosa(爛柯故事) formed based on the idea of eternity stand for union of sky and sun. It indicates Go game which matches life and nature spatiotemporally and elegant taste for arts pursuing beauty and leisure. Second, the stone-go-boards found through this research, are 18 in total. 3 of those(16.1%), Gangjin Weolnamsaji, Yangsan Sohanjeong and Banryongdae ones were classified into movable Seokguk and 15(83.9%) including Banghakdong were turned out to be non-movable rock-go-boards carved on natural rocks. Third, upon the result of materializing location types of rock-go-boards, 15 are mountain stream type(83.9%) and 3 are rock peak type(16.1%). Among those, the one at Sobaeksam Sinseonbong is located at the highest place(1,389m). Considering the fact that all of 15 rock-go-boards were found at mountainous areas lower than 500m, it is recognizable that where the Go-boards are the parts of the living space, not far from secular world. Fourth, there are 7 Sunjang(巡將) Go with 17 Hwajeoms(花點), which is a traditional Go board type, but their existences, numbers and shapes of Hwajeom appear variously. Based on the fact, it is recognizable that culture of making go-board had been handed down for an extended period of time. Among the studied rock-goboards, the biggest one was Muju Sasunam[$80(82)cm{\times}80(82)cm$] while the smallest one was Yangsan Sohandjeong Seokguk ($40cm{\times}40cm$). The dimension of length and breadth are both $49cm{\times}48cm$ on average, which is realistic size for actual Go play. Fifth, the biggest bed rock, an under-masonry with carved Go-board on it, was one in Muju Sasunam[$8.7m{\times}7.5m(65.25m^2)$], followed by ones in Hoengseong Chuiseok[$7.8m{\times}6.3m(49.14m^2$] and Goisan Sungukam[$6.7m{\times}5.7m(37.14m^2)$]. Meanwhile, the smallest rock-go-board was turned out to be one in Seoul Banghak-dong. There was no consistency in directions of the Go-boards, which gives a hint that geographical features and sceneries of locations were considered first and then these were carved toward an optimal direction corresponding to the conditions. Sixth, rock-go-boards were all located in valleys and peaks of mountains with breathtaking scenery. It seems closely related to ancestors' taste for arts. Particularly, rock-go-boards are apprehended as facilities related to taste for arts for having leisure in many mountains and big streams under the idea of union of sky and human as a primitive communal line. Go became a medium of hermits, which is a traditional image of Go-game, and symbol of amusement and entertainment with the idea that Go is an essence of scholar culture enabling to reach the Tao of turning back to nature. Seventh, the further ancient time going back to, the more dreamlike the Go-boards are. It is an evident for that Sundoism, which used to be unacceptable once, became more visible and realistic. Considering the high relation between rock-go-boards and Sundoism relevant names such as Sundoism peak in Danyang Sobaeksan, 4 hermits rock in Muju and Sundoism hermit rock in Jangsu, Sundoism hermit rocks and rock-go-boards are sceneries and observation spots to express a communication of worship and longing for Sundoism. Eighth, 3 elements-physical environment such as location type of the rock-go-boards, human activities concentrated on 8 sceneries and Dongcheongugok(洞天九曲) setup and relevancy to Confucian scholars, as well as 'Sangsansaho' motif and 'Nangagosa' symbolic meaning were used as interpretation tools in order to judge the place identity. Upon the result, spatial investigation is required with respect to Sunyoodongcheon(仙遊洞天) concept based on enjoyment to unify with the nature rather than Dongcheongugok concept of neo-Confucian, for Dongcheon and Dongmoon(洞門) motives carved around the rock-go-boards. Generally, places where mountain stream type rock-go-boards were formed were hermit spaces of Confucianism or Sundoism. They are considered to have compromised one other with the change of times. Particularly, in the rock-go-board at the mountain peak, sublimity-oriented advent of Sundoism is considered as a significant factor to control place identity. Ninth, including where the rock-go-boards were established, the vicinal areas are well-known as parts of Dongcheongugok and Palkyung(八景) mostly. In addition, many of Sundoism relevant expressions were discovered even in the neighboring carvings written by scholars and nobility, which means sophisticated taste based on longing for Sundoism world played a significant role in making go-board. The rock-go-board is an integration of cultural phenomena naturally managed by seclusion of scholars in the Joseon Dynasty as well as remains and essence of Korean traditional landscaping. Some rock-go-boards out of 17 discovered in South Korea, including ones in Sobaeksan Sinsunbong, Banghak-dong, Chungju Gongili, Muju Sasunam, Yangsan Eogokdong Banryongdae Seokguk, are damaged such as cracks in rocks or fainted lines by hardships of time and hand stains. Worse yet, in case of Eunyang Bangudae Jipcheongjeong board, it is very difficult to identify the shape due to being buried. Rock-go-boards are valuable sculptures in terms of cultural asset and artwork since they reflect ancestors' love for nature and longing for Sundoism world. Therefore, they should be maintained properly with right preservation method. Not only rock-boards itself but also peripheral places are excellent cultural heritages and crucial cultural assets. In addition, vicinal sceneries of where rock-goboards and pavilion spots are the representative remains of embracing prototype of Korean traditional landscaping and major parts of cultural properties.