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Food Culture Interchange in the Korean-Japanese relations including the Chosun Communication Facilities(correspondents of Chosun) - 3. The path of Chosun Communication Facilities (correspondents of Chosun) and the reception for them in Japan - (조선(朝鮮) 통신사(通信使)를 포함한 한(韓).일(日) 관계에서의 음식문화(飮食文化) 교류 - 3. 조선통신사(朝鮮通信使) 파견과 일본(日本)의 조선통신사 접대 -)

  • Kim, Sang-Bo;Chang, Chul-Soo
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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    • v.13 no.5
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    • pp.431-460
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    • 1998

  • After the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, correspondents of Chosun called on Japan twelve times, as a mission, from 1607 to 1811. The suite of Chosun Communication Facilities (correspondents) was composed of nearly 500 people including a senior envoy, a junior envoy, other envoyes, and cooks. After preparing traveling expenses, Sifts, foods, medicinal stuffs, and ginseng, they shipped people and freight in three passenger ships and three freighters. They departed from Pusan for Edo(Tokyo). There were 28 stop-overs on their way to Edo and the banquet was given for them at every stop. The arrangements of the table for each banquet were made up of 753 Seon(tables), 3Jeup(soups) and 15Che(dishes). 753Seon(tables) is Ganban(the table for decoration) and a substantial food reception was composed of 3Jeup(soups) and 15Che(dishes). 753Seon(tables) was called Dadopoong(the food of refreshment) style and this was the standard arrangement of the banquet table in Japan. It was comprised of 3Jeup(soups) and 15Che(dishes). On their way from Edo to Thusima Island, food was afforded to correspondents for later preparation and dining. The banquet that the master of Thusima Island gave was composed of the first and second style banquets. The first one was Chusun style and the second one was Japanese style.

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A Study on the Traditional Noble House in the Ha-Dong Area, Kyeong-Nam (경남 하동지역의 전통 상류주거)

  • Kim, Hwa-Bong
    • Journal of architectural history
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    • v.16 no.1
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    • pp.49-68
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    • 2007

  • The purpose of this study is analysis of traditional noble houses style of Ha-Dong area in Kyeong-Nam. The sequence of this study is at first finding the list of survey object, and investigating of those houses, after than drawing the site and floor plan, and lately analysis the characters of inner and outer space of them. It required six months. The results of analysis of them are as follows. 1. The noble traditional houses in Ha-Dong are found eight samples which are not noticed in academic society. 2. The constructions of noble housing in late Period of Cho-sun Dynasty are divided in three parts as a general role. Its grade is similar in Ha-Dong. The number of traditional noble house of (old) volunteer class is two cases. The (new) rich-farmer class is four cases. And there are two cases of (long) authority class. 3. The type of site plan is based on Korean south area style which is the style of departed rectangular type. But outdoor spaces are divided in several space by many fence than other area. It is the special item of construction. 4. The special character of indoor space is the use of 'Gong-ru'. It is called similar space used in top of main entrance building of large building. But it is located in various space in Ha-dong. It is included in any space of Sarang-Che, An-Che, Are-Che. The traditional noble houses of Ha-Dong area have special spacial characters. For long time there space was developed based on local identity. And its characters was divided various classes. Thus Ha-Dong area is definite place of useful identified traditional culture.

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The study of Dong-shan(東山) Yao(瑤) marriage culture (동산요족(東山瑤族)의 혼인형태탐구(婚姻形態探究))

  • Xing, Li
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.37
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    • pp.213-242
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    • 2004

  • "China", "Guang-Xi(廣西)", "Dong-Shan(東山)", a marriage of "Yao-zu(瑤族)" divide mainly into a distinguished family form, but are by a marriage of a traditional general form (a woman getting married) and "Zhaoxu-Hun(招婿婚)", a marriage of "Liangtou-che(兩頭扯)". These two marriage format that mentioned the back is a marriage format to often appear in other Chinese minority race region while being a custom peculiar to "Yao-zu(瑤族)" marriage method. "Zhaoxu-Hun(招婿婚)" provides labor force as a workman while living with a man sinks with "son-in-law" to a woman house, and doing, and it is to carry out a lot of duty as a husband too. "A Liangtou-che(兩頭扯)" marriage is more characteristic, but lives while going around a bilateral family while man and woman each stay in an own house. There are inheritance of property rights to own family, too and obeys anger of he direction family bilateral where if lays a child even if stands up and holds a memorial service. At the same time that these marriages are performed between the same "Yao-zu(瑤族)" near a track, and solution does a distribution problem between a labor problem and the families which were unstable through a mutual marriage for the purpose a compunction "Yao-zu(瑤族)" social network construction into intimacy anger. A general idea is covered he base with in order the porcelain which is a weak race prevent that it is assimilated by external aggression because "Yo-zu(瑤族)" has always received aggression of "a Han-zu(漢族)" too historically, and to keep an ethnic pure blood.

  • https://doi.org/10.22755/kjchs.2004.37.213 인용 PDF

Movimento del pronome diretto in italiano (이탈리아어의 직접목적대명사 이동에 관한 연구)

  • Cho, Moon-Hwan
    • Lettere Italiane
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    • no.30
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    • pp.205-229
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    • 2010

  • L'italiano ha diverse forme di pronomi clitici che vengono distinti in genere, numero e persona a seconda del nome di partenza. Quando appare un pronome clitico, l'ordine delle parole nella frase cambia: dal tipo normale SVO si passa al tipo SOV come in coreano. I pronomi clitici hanno una caratteristica molto diversa rispetto sia a piena NP sia ad una NP debole, e non sono compatibili con questi NP all'interno della frase, il che significa che i pronomi clitici si muovono in posizione superficiale lasciando la loro posizione originale dopo il verbo. Osservando questo fenomeno (movimento clitico da [DP, VP] a [spec, AgrOP]) e analizzando in questa sede solo il caso del pronome diretto si è cercato di evidenziare le regole precise di tale movimento determinato da "Case licensing" e "feature checking." Seguendo e accettando pienamente la precedente analisi di Belletti(1999), in cui vengono proposte due vie di procedimento del movimento dentro il AgrOP (una è [spec, AgrOP]; l'altra, [Agro, AgrOP], propongo qui l'esistenza di un ordine preciso in tale movimento: nel caso in cui un pronome diretto prenda una via di [spec, AgrOP], 'V' si muove prima fino ad arrivare alla [Agro, AgrSP], poi, 'pro' prosegue la sua strada fino alla [pro, AgrSP], e alla fine, il pronome diretto sale fino alla [spec, TP] per formare la costruzione proclitica; nel caso in cui un pronome diretto prenda invece l'altra via di [Agro, AgrOP], 'pro' sale prima fino alla [spec, AgrSP] tramite il movimento 'spec to spec', successivamente il 'pronome diretto' si muove verso la [Agro, AgrSP], e infine 'V' si sposta verso la [Agro, AgrSP] per formare la costruzione enclitica.