• 건축역사연구
• /
• 제14권3호
• /
• pp.77-88
• /
• 2005

This study is to find out the characteristics of the changes of the site layout in Beopjusa which was built on Maitreya faith in the Shilla.. According to the analysis of it in this study, we make conclusions as follows; 1) The reconstruction of Beopjusa means a start in Dhamalsama(法相宗) and then it was supposed to be Buddhist temple which was formed by intersecting axis of centering around a wooden pagoda(捌相殿) with a main Buddhist hall and a lecture hall. 2) After the middle of Koryo dynasty, Beopjusa was changed to building layout of intersecting with Yongwabojeon(龍華寶殿) and Daeungbojeon(大雄寶殿) because of harmony with Avatamsaka(華嚴宗) and Dhamalsama centering around Avatamsaka. 3) The buildings of Zen Buddhism was built in the early Chosun dynasty owing to a prevalence of Zen Buddhism in the late Koryo dynasty. And since 17th century, Buddhist halls were each built in their a faith system according to interpenetrated Buddhism(通佛敎). 4) The courtyard type of mountainous district was made on interpenetrated Buddhism. On the other hand, the site layout of Beopjusa is being maintained by centripetal spatial organization through the wooden pagoda as object.

• 헤리티지:역사와 과학
• /
• 제45권4호
• /
• pp.38-53
• /
• 2012

이 글에서는 부여 정림사지로 추정되는 백제 '정림사'의 창건 연대를 최근의 고고학적 발굴조사 자료를 바탕으로 살펴보았다. 즉, 본격적인 대지 조성은 왕궁터로 추정되는 관북리 일대와 연동되어 있는데, 그 시기는 6세기 늦은 단계로 추정된다. 그리고 사찰 건립을 위한 대지 조성 이전에 사용된 소형 노 등과 그와 관련하여, 구지표에서 출토된 토기 등을 참고할 때 사비 천도 후 일정 기간 공방이 운영된 것을 확인할 수 있었다. 이러한 공방은 정림사지 북쪽에 인접한 관북리유적에서 본격적인 대지조성과 함께 이루어진 기와기단건물의 조영 이전에 운영된 것이 확인되었다. 대지 조성토에 혼입된 토기, 기와, 중국자기를 통해서도 정림사의 조영 연대가 사비 천도 직후까지 올라가기는 어렵다는 점을 지적하였다. 이 점은 석탑 이전에 목탑이 존재할 가능성이 높으며 그 구조는 지하기초부가 없는 높은 지상기단일 가능성과 연계되어 있다. 마지막으로 정림사지 가람배치는 동 서 건물과 강당 좌우의 건물이 하나로 통합되어 강당지 북편 기단보다 북쪽으로 좀 더 돌출되어 대규모 승방으로 통합되어 있다. 이러한 구조는 익산 미륵사지와 유사하여 정림사지가 능산리사지나 왕흥사지보다 늦게 축조되었을 가능성을 높여준다. 강당과 동 서 건물의 배치 관계 등으로 살펴본 이러한 견해는 그동안 정림사지의 창건 연대를 사비 천도 전후로 보아 온 것과 배치된다. 이러한 내용을 통해 볼때, 정림사는 사비 천도 전후가 아니라 도시조성이 활발하게 이루어진 6세기 후엽 이후에 창건되었을 가능성이 높아졌다.

• 건축역사연구
• /
• 제21권1호
• /
• pp.83-98
• /
• 2012

The starting point of this study is the concerning of simple behavioral pattern that whoever enters the inner space with taking off his shoes should go out from the position where he laid his shoes. The using of Ondol (floor heating room) and Maru (lifted wood floor) had changed the architectural space from chair-sitting to floor-sitting space, and it also made the behavior of taking off the shoes at the entrance of building and stepping on the lifted floor. This simple behavior has possibility to make lots of changes to the culture of architectural design. With this noticeable point, this paper is talking about the cultural feature of Korean traditional architecture, especially about the influence of tanking off and putting on shoes. The matter of shoes has changed diverse aspects of building and layout planning. It maximized the difference between front and rear part of building and characterized the lateral extension of Korean traditional house. The ritual space also had evolved from chair-sitting to floor-sitting space according to the type of ritual behavioral pattern. The change on the single building level had influenced on the layout planning of architectural complex. For examples, the parallel layout of ChangDeok-gung palace and the long sequential process to the main pavilion of Buddhist temple are the result of the matter of shoes. And NuGak(樓閣), the double-storied pavilion, on the axis of entering sequence's node is one of the unique planning elements that makes possible to go through the building without taking off the shoes and also makes upper level space for staying. In short, Korean traditional architecture that has the chair-sitting spatial origin of the East Asian cultural sphere has pursued new architectural issues and planning methods according to evolution to the floor-sitting culture.

• Architectural research
• /
• 제13권4호
• /
• pp.31-42
• /
• 2011

This study notices that all religions in Central Asia from the fourth century through seventh century C.E. provided considerable hands in keeping a uniform unity through a process of assimilation, although art and architecture were greatly stimulated by the creative genius of the many people. The study thus intends to argue that the common ideas of rituals and primitive forms of religious shrines lead the square-based layout of Buddhist shrines the unity and universality in the architectural products of particular regions or epochs: i.e. the "square-based plan" in Buddhist temples of Central Asia was a significant prototype in the synthesis with pre-Buddhist architectural models and Buddhist universal ideas. Thus, this thesis notes that they did not lose the universal principles of the Buddhist shrine plans due to ritual functions, and even there have been never differences from pre-Buddhist building models remarked by the periods and the venues in which they were produced, although there had been continuous evolutions and adaptive transformations in the local tastes of religious architecture. Accordingly, this study discusses how such plans in Buddhist architecture had been consistently produced within that regional style also representative of the local idioms of architecture, and how they were adopted in the sites, founded on the composition of ritual functions. The foreign architectural cultures were selectively chosen getting along with local building types of each site according to each taste for architecture as a result.

• 헤리티지:역사와 과학
• /
• 제47권4호
• /
• pp.120-135
• /
• 2014

최근의 백제사찰 재조사에서 기존 가람의 양식과는 다른 가람배치 양상이 확인되면서 금강사지의 가람에 대하여 다시금 조사의 필요성을 가지게 한다. 본 연구는 GPR탐사법을 이용하여 금강사지의 잔존 유구 및 사역전체의 건물배치 양상을 확인하고자 하였으며, GIS기술을 이용하여 항공사진을 분석하고 수치지형도를 활용한 토양유실량(RUSLE)을 분석하여 금강사지의 입지와 지형변화를 파악하고자 하였다. GPR탐사 결과, 사역의 북편과 서편에서 기 발굴조사에서 미처 확인되지 않았던 건물지가 추가로 확인되어 사역의 범위는 추정 가람보다 더 넓었을 것으로 보인다. 또한 금강사지는 하안 단구면에 위치하고 있고 토양유실량이 매우 적은 안정된 지형장에 위치하며 자연발생적인 배수체계를 기반으로 하는 최적의 입지를 보이고 있음을 알 수 있었다.

• 건축역사연구
• /
• 제12권3호
• /
• pp.163-179
• /
• 2003

The records of about 60 travel essays of the Hall of Bhaisajyaguru(Healing) Budda which was built in Chung Yang Temple passed down since 1525. The chronological change of that Hall architecture according to each period was traced upon. The building structure of the Hall of Bhaisajyaguru Budda which has a roundabout way, and 6 pillars inside, sometimes each 6 pillars inside and outside is hexagonal, one story building in Japanese colonial period(picture 3-1) or the present(picture 3-3). The panaromic picture of Chung Yang Temple shows no alterations of the layout of buildings(picture 1-1), in which the Hall of $Praj{\tilde{n}}{\bar{a}}$(般若殿), the main building in the center and the Hall of Bhaisajyaguru(Healing) Budda, three story stone pagoda, stone lighthouse in front of it became the central axis. The Hall of Bhaisajyaguru(Healing) Budda remained as it was until Japanese invasions in 1592 and 1597. However, it was greatly damaged by the flood in 1717. It was newly built by Lee Ha Gon's leading in 1717-1732. At that time, the interior design was changed. With Bhaisajyaguru(Healing) Budda, 53 Buddhas and ${\acute{S}}arira$ of Stone stupa which show itself by the flood in 1717 was located in the image of the Mountain of Chunchuk or Cheontae like Yu Jeom Temple. The doors of this Hall are located in the front and back. In the four walls each, two realistic and cubic buddhism pictures were drawn, The color of those picture was partly taken off in 1671 and repainted in 1714. The new building in 1717-1732 regained its colorful appearance. However, the names written beside each Images of Buddha disappeared. The notable remark in these records is that some of these travel essays in 17th-18th centuries was calling this hexagonal hall as the octagonal one. It is very important records because it means that before 1525 the octagonal hall might have existed. Chung Yang Temple was rebuilt between 1976 and 1985 after the destruction in the Korean War. After the records are carefully read, the full scale excavation about this historic site was not done yet. The interesting issue of the existence of octagonal building will be resolved by the full scale excavation.

• 건축역사연구
• /
• 제9권1호
• /
• pp.7-25
• /
• 2000

The purpose of this study is focused to the historic changes of Yungnam-Ru(嶺南樓), which are based on the site layout, and architectural forms in architectural building history and historic periods analyzed with the historic reference, paintings, and photos. This study is to search the alteration of the types of axis and the formation of spaces in Yungnam-Ru which is the Ru-Gak(樓閣) The conclusion of the architectural changes from the historic period and architectural form which is the belows. The first Yungnam-Ru by name had been used to be called, before it was re-called Yungnam-Ru by Kim Ju in 1365. Therefore, the hypothesis in naming Yungnam-Ru form assumption that the building under the name of Yungnam-Ru was re-named by Kim Ju from the Old Budist Temple called Yungnam-Sa, should re-considered in history. The second, it is considered that Milyang-Sibyi-Kyungdo(密陽十二景圖) as the painting can only be seen the site layout in 1542. It could be compared the differences of the site layouts from in 1542 to the present time. At that time Nyungpadang(凌派堂) was connected the main buildings called Yungnam-Ru Chimrudang(沈流堂),building was seperated with the Yungnam-Ru at that period. In 1542, the main Building(Yungnam-Ru) was consist of 5 spans of columns(from the front) and 2 spans of columns(from the side). Now, the main Building(Yungnam-Ru) has the 5 spans of columns from the front, and two spans of columns short from the side, compared to the present facade. At the past, Chimrudang(building) has the two spans of columns and one span of columns short, compared to the present facade. The third, It supposed that main building, Nyungpadang and Chimrudang in the composite of facade was connected with Wolrang(月廊) and Hunrang(軒廊) after invatioin from japan in 1592. 1844, (Chosun dynasty, Hunjong 10) the Yungnam-Ru was re-builted by maintaining the same concept in site layout of the past, and finally the three buildings was put together with Wolrang and Hunrang. As a result, the plan of the Yungnam-Ru was expanded with many aspects. From 1542 to 1844, the present site-layout gradually completed with three buildings which was spatially connected. The forth, in the middle age of Chosun dynasty, after added Gaeksa(客舍), the building is for the government officer staying temporally from outside province) in the site, the site layout was greatly changed with volume of building. In 1844, the Yungnam-Ru as the Nugak belongs to Miljukwan(密州館) was expanded spacially and formally. After that time, the burned buildings could not have been re-built because of aspects in government ability and economical ability.

• 건축역사연구
• /
• 제19권3호
• /
• pp.7-29
• /
• 2010

The form of the Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda site is that of the traditional form of the wooden pagodas constructed during the Baekjae Period. Likewise, it is an important ruin for conducting research on the form and type of the wooden pagodas constructed during the Baekjae Period. In particular, the method used for the installation of the central pillar's cornerstone is a new technique. The purpose of this research is to restore the ruin of the Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda of the Baekjae Period that remains at the Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda site. Until now, research conducted on the wooden pagoda took place mostly centered on the Hwangryongsa Temple's wooden pagoda. Meanwhile, the reality concerning Baekjae's wooden pagoda is one in which there were not many parallel cases pertain to the design for restoration. This research paper wants to conduct academic examination of the Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda to organize the intention of design and design process in a simple manner. This research included review of the Baekjae Period's wooden pagoda related ruins and the review of the existing wooden pagoda ruin to analyze the wooden pagoda construction technique of the era. Then, current status of the Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda site is identified to define the characteristics of the wooden pagoda, and to set up the layout format and the measure to estimate the size of the wooden pagoda in order to design each part. Ultimately, techniques and formats used for the restoration of the wooden pagoda were aligned with the wooden pagoda of the Baekjae Period. Basically, conditions that can be traced from the current status of the Wangheungsa Temple site excavation using the primary standards as the standard. Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda was designed into the wooden pagoda of the Baekjae's prosperity phase. The plane was formed into $3{\times}3$ compartments to design into three tier pagoda. The height was decided by factoring in the distance between the East-West corridors, size of the compartment in the middle, and the view that is visible from above the terrace when entering into the waterway. Basically, the origin of the wooden structure format is based on the Goguryeo style, but also the linkage with China's southern regional styles and Japan's ancient wooden pagoda methods was factored in. As for the format of the central pillar, it looks as if the column that was erected after digging the ground was used when setting up the columns in the beginning. During the actual construction work of the wooden pagoda, central pillar looks as if it was erected by setting up the cornerstone on the ground. The reason that the reclaimed part of pillar that use the underground central cornerstone as the support was not utilized, was because the Eccentric Load of the central pillar's cornerstone was factored in the state of the layers of soil piled up one layer at a time that is repeated with the yellow clay and sandy clay and the yellow clay that were formed separately with the $80cm{\times}80cm$ angle at the upper part of the central pillar's cornerstone was factored in as well. Thus, it was presumed that the central pillar was erected in the actual design using the ground style format. It is possible to presume the cases in which the reclaimed part of pillar were used when constructed for the first time, but in which central pillar was installed later on, after the supplementary materials of the underground column is corroded. In this case, however, technique in which soil is piled up one layer at a time to lay down the foundation of a building structure cannot be the method used in that period, and the reclamation cannot fill up using the $80cm{\times}80cm$ angle. Thus, it was presumed that the layers of soil for building structure's foundation was solidified properly on top of the central pillar's cornerstone when the first wooden pagoda construction work was taking place, and that the ground style central pillar was erected on its upper part by placing the cornerstone once again. Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda is significant from the structure development aspect of the Korean wooden pagodas along with the Hwangryongsa Temple's wooden pagoda. Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda construction technique which was developed during the prosperity phase of the Baekjae Period is presumed to have served as a role model for the construction of the Iksan Mireuksa Temple's wooden pagoda and Hwangryongsa Temple's wooden pagoda. With the plan to complement the work further by excavating more, the basic wooden pagoda model was set up for this research. Wangheungsa Temple's wooden pagoda was constructed as at the Baekjae Kingdom wide initiative, and it was the starting point for the construction of superb pagoda using state of the art construction techniques of the era during the Baekjae's prosperous years, amidst the utmost interest of all the Baekjae populace. Starting out from its inherent nature of enshrining Sakyamuni's ashes, it served as the model that represented the unity of all the Baekjae populace and the spirit of the Baekjae people. It interpreted these in the most mature manner on the Korean peninsula at the time.

• 자연과학논문집
• /
• 제16권1호
• /
• pp.111-128
• /
• 2005

This study was conducted under the theory of hermitage ever built from buddhist belief. Directing to hermitages within temples of Korea Jogye Order, we focused on the layout correspondence relationship among them. and 161 hermitages were the first object of the investigation. For the accomplishment of the research purpose, the general epitome and spatial specification through various literature studies, on-the-spot survey and personal communications with a lot of priests were made. As one of the basic surveys, the foundation year were thoroughly investigated, followed by the form of building, main buddha and hermitage name. The results obtained were summarized as follows : Forty five hermitages which are equivalent to twenty eight percent of total hermitages within the parish-level temples of Korea Jogye Order, were built in shilla Dynasty and twenty hermitages that are 12.4 percent of the total were constructed in Koryo Dynasty and thirty seven percent of the total were founded during both of dynasties. This fact makes us to consider that many of hermitages in those days were constructed with the simultaneity of principal temple foundation which means hermitage had responded the spirit of the times. Every hermitage has its main Buddha and this thing happened that each hermitage enshrines its main Buddha according to the thought which was developed with the Buddhism expansion and sutra that is in accordance with their own intention. .Basically a capital temple has differed in its central sanctum in accordance with resourceful sutra, and, at the same time, twenty seven in avatamsk sectenshrine for Sakyamuni as their sanction and eight for the Merciful Goddess and 42.7 percent for Chajang's hermitages. The name of hermitage not only represents its symbol but comprises the characteristic meaning of ascetic practice. 31.7 percent of the hermitages studies was found to have the names of relating to 'ascetic practice' or 'thought' followed by the 'nature' or 'environment' to 21.7 percent.

• 헤리티지:역사와 과학
• /
• 제53권3호
• /
• pp.80-109
• /
• 2020

신라사천왕사는 670년 '조창(祖創)'된 이후 '개창(攺刱)'을 거쳐 679년에 낙성된 밀교사원이다. 본 연구는 근년의 발굴조사 성과와 사원건립과정 및 조영척도에 관한 고찰 결과를 바탕으로, 사천왕사건축의 설계기술 해명을 시도한 것이다. 연구결과는 다음과 같다. (1) 부지 조성에 있어서는, 낭산 남록 상에 1방(坊)의 크기를 상정, 그 남북 폭을 3등분한 후, 그 중 2구획분을 평탄부로 설정했을 가능성이 있다. (2) '조창'에 있어서는, 평탄면 남단을 경계로 하여 300척(尺)평방의 규모를 상정, 그 중심에 '선축기단'을 축조했던 것으로 추정되는데, 초기구상으로써 문두루(신인(神印))의 장치를 목적으로 한, 외원 2주(肘)(3척(尺)), 내원 1주(肘)(1.5척(尺))의 단(壇) 평면 의장을 자체 고안, 그것의 100배를 중심곽 규모 및 배치 계획에 있어서의 근거로 설정해 두었을 가능성이 있다.(3) '개창'에 있어서는, '선축기단'의 중심을 금당 중심으로 고수할 경우 발생되는 목탑·금당간거리 협소 문제를 인지, 초기구상으로부터 중심곽 규모 및 배치를 조정했던 것으로 판단된다. (4) 당탑 및 단석의 배치는, 확정된 중심곽 규모(280척(尺)×320척(尺))를 대상으로 한 분할에 기초해 결정되었는데, 동서방향에 있어서는 중심곽 동서 폭을 4등분하는 선상으로 정한 반면, 남북방향에 있어서는 중심곽 짜임새상의 특성에 입각, 동서회랑의 도리칸 분할과 조정을 통해 익랑 위치를 확정한 후, 이를 기준해 금당·단석을 배치했다고 추정된다. (5) 당탑 및 단석 등의 규모는 각 건물의 정면 기단 폭에 의해 제어되었던 것으로 인정된다. 특히 금당·목탑의 규모는 중심곽 동서 폭의 4등분으로부터 시작되는 단위분수적 분할의 반복을 통해 결정된 것으로 판단되는데, 이는 단의 평면의장을 전형으로 한 자기유사성에 연원을 둔 것으로 이해된다.