• Journal of the Korea Fashion and Costume Design Association
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.113-127
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• 2005

From the ancient times, incense was used for various usages including a means of beauty expression with flavor, a medicine for disease treatment and a device for religious event or ritual. The period of T'ang was the times when cultural and material exchanges with foreign countries were very actively made under the political openness of the Chinese nation. Here the exchanges were made mainly through inland trade, called Silk Road(絲綢之路) and marine trade routes, Incense Road(香料之路). This indicates that incense was one of the main items actively traded at that time. In addition, literatures of the T'ang period show that in the Chinese nation, a wide range of classes from the imperial family to the public used incense for many different purposes. This suggests that the culture of incense was deeply prevailed and very socially significant in T'ang. This study investigated social factors that promoted the incense culture of T'ang and the applications and types of incense widely used in the period of T'ang. First, influential religions and the openness of sex culture were main social factors that made incense culture flourish in the period of T'ang. Above all, two main religions of the Chinese nation, Buddhism and Taoism became secularized under political protection by the imperial family. As Buddhism was popularized, the Buddhist ritual of incense burning made a contribution to making public incense culture. Providing its doctrines of eternal youth and eternal life, Taoism necessarily used incense to form a Taoistic climate. The flourishment of the foresaid religion in T'ang added more fuel to that of incense culture in the Chinese nation. The openness of sex culture brought about the Inauguration of the empress, improvement in female position and free relationships between man and woman. It was accelerated by sexology as a method of eternal youth provided by Taoism. The opened culture also developed the culture of kibang where female entertainers called kinyeo consumed lots of incense for decoration and sexual desire stimulation. These open climates of T'ang society made a great contribution to making incense culture, especially for decoration, prevailed throughout the Chinese nation. Second, types of incense prevailed and widely used in the period of T'ang included olive incense, germander(廣藿香), olibnum(乳香), myrrh Resinoid(沒藥), jia Xiang(甲香), clove(丁香) and Shen xian(沈香), all of which were imported from foreign nations and had various applications. Specifically, olive incense, germander(廣藿香), olibnum(乳香) and myrrh Resinoid(沒藥) were used for religious purposes while, jia Xiang(甲香), clove(丁香) and Shen xian(沈香) for the purposes of religion and decoration. In conclusion, a number of social factors including political, religious and medical purposes and the openness of sex culture set fundamentals on which the culture of incense was extensively developed and established as a social trend in T'ang. In the Chinese nation, incense culture was not just an option for taste, but a part of life style social members needed to know. People of T'ang not only enjoyed incense mainly for purposes of religion, pleasure and make-up, but also had the wisdom to know various effects of incense, curiosity about such new things and the will to imitate and pursue alien culture, resultantly flourishing incense culture. Thus the culture of incense represented many social aspects of T'ang.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.104
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• pp.70-100
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• 2023

The celadon made in the Goryeo era, a time when Buddhism was flourishing in Korea, naturally contains many elements of Buddhist culture. Among them, inlaid celadon with Sanskrit inscriptions bears a close relationship with esoteric Buddhism. However, the research on deciphering the Sanskrit inscriptions has made little progress due to the small number of extant examples. However, the four recent excavations at the No. 23 kiln site in Sadang-ri, Gangjin have yielded new materials that allow the existing materials to be categorized into several types. The results obtained through the reading and interpretation of the inscriptions are as follows: First, the Sanskrit characters inlaid on the celadon were parts of mantras. Inscriptions where only one character is apparent cannot be deciphered, but scholars have revealed that others are written in the manner of a wheel mantra represent the "Mantra for Purifying the Dharma-Realm," "Six-Syllable Mantra of the Vidyaraja," "Sweet Dew Mantra," "Jewel Pavilion Mantra," "Mantra of the Savior Bodhisattva," "Dharani of the Mind of the Budha of Infinite Life," and "Mantra for Extinguishing Evil Rebirth." Each mantra was written in Siddham script. Second, they are believed to have been produced during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries based on the arrangement of the inscriptions and the way the "Sweet Dew Mantra" is included in the "40 Hands Mantra." In particular, the celadon pieces with a mantra inlaid in a concentric manner are dated to the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries based on their production characteristics. Third, the interpretation of the inlaid mantras suggests that they all refer to the "Shattering Hell" and "Rebirth in the Pure Land." Based on this, it can be concluded that some of these inlaid celadon wares with mantras may have been used in Buddhist rituals for the dead, such as the ritual for feeding hungry ghosts (施餓鬼會). Also, because the Sadang-ri No. 23 kiln site and the "ga" area of the site are believed to have produced royal celadon, it is likely that these rituals were performed at the royal court or a temple under its influence. Fourth, this inlaid Goryeo celadon with Sanskrit mantras was not a direct influence of the ceramics of Yuan China. It emerged by adopting Yuan Chinese Buddhist culture, which was influenced by Tibetan Buddhism, into Goryeo Korea's existing esoteric practices. Fifth, the celadon wares inlaid with a Sanskrit mantra reveal a facet of the personal esoteric rituals that prevailed in late Goryeo society. Changes in esotericism triggered by the desire for relief from anxieties can be exemplified in epitaph tablets and coffins that express a shared desire for escaping hell and being born again in paradise. Sixth, the inlaid celadon with Sanskrit mantras shares some common features with other crafts. The similarities include the use of Siddham Sanskrit, the focus on Six-Syllable Mantra of the Vidyaraja, the correspondence with the contents of the mantras found on Buddhist bells, wooden coffins, and memorial tablets, and their arraignment in a similar manner with rooftiles. The major difference between them is that the Mantra for Extinguishing Evil Rebirth and the Sweet Dew Manta have not yet been found on other craftworks. I believe that the inscriptions of Sanskrit mantras are found mainly on inlaid celadon vessels due to their relatively low production cost and efficiency.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.33
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• pp.162-181
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• 2000

This paper investigates sixteen rock-cut arhat images of the Koryo period at Sungbul-sa (成佛寺) in Chunan (天安), South Chungchung Province. These images, together with a Buddha triad in the center, are carved in thin relief on the large granite wall ($375cm{\times}248cm$), and below them is engraved a huge lotus petal which looks to be supporting all the images above. According to extant textual sources, arhats were popularly worshipped in the Koryo period. The Painting of Five Hundred Arhat Images was brought to Koryo from Later Liang (後梁) of the Five Dynasties (五代) in 923. From that time on, the cult of arhat had become gradually known in Koryo. More than thirty ceremonies worshipping arhats (羅漢齊) were officially held in Koryo court. The Sixteen Arhat images (十六羅漢像) were enshrined in many temples. In Boje-sa (普濟寺), which kings and aristocrats often visited for ritual ceremonies, had its main hall dominated by the Five Hundred Arhats, called Nahan-pocheon (羅漢寶殿). However, a limited number of arhat images of the Koryo period, originally made as sets of sixteen or five hundred arhats, are now extant. The Sixteen Arhat images at Sungbul-sa are unique examples that show all sixteen images in situ. The Sixteen Arhat images, though some of them are abraded, show various postures and gesture. One of them sits with his knee bent, and one arhat is sitting on a chair with his hand held upward. Each image is carved in a niche, just as the arhat images of Northern Song China are normally represented in niches of a cave, and are quite similar in style to the arhat images of the Northern Song period at Qinglindong (靑林洞) cave, Feilaifeng (飛來峰), Zejiang province (浙江省). This similarity between the arhat images of Sungbul-sa and those of Qinglindong certifies the strong impact of Song Buddhist art on Koryo frequently mentioned in texts. The Sixteen Arhat images surround the central Buddha raising his hand up to his chest. This Buddha triad could be ascribed to be either the Maitreya Buddha triad or the Sakyamuni Buddha triad based on the Lotus Sutra (妙法蓮華經). Still, the Sakyamuni Buddha triad was more often represented with sixteen or five hundred arhats in the Koryo period, as was seen in the record of Boje-sa where the Sakyamuni triad was enshrined with five hundred arhat images. The Sixteen Arhat images of Sungbul-sa arc most likely to be a rare example of Koryo Arhat images showing the Sakyamuni Buddha triad and the Sixteen Arhats who were predicted to be Buddhas by Sakyamuni in the Lotus Sutra.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.59
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• pp.359-386
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• 2015

To date, the study of the $jh{\bar{a}}peti$ is small. "Osamnanyasinhakbiyoung" was found in the Gumamodo University in 2006, research has gained a new opportunity. The '연약(練若)' of "Osamyunyaksinhakbiyoung(오삼연약신학비용)" is an abbreviation of ara?ya should be unified in "Osamnanyasinhakbiyoung(五衫練若新學備用)". The second volume contains the following information. Since the Buddhist ritual of ordinary people, this made according to fit the rules in accordance with the environment(隨方毗尼). Obok(五服) is called according to the meaning Osam(五衫) of dressed standard. Gamguhyodangdo is to install one incense and one lanterns to illuminate their own buddha, is where enshrines the relics(śarīra). Back to the article, which should show the face bitter and sad hearts. Over white paper it should represent an article. Posts containing the meaning of the sacrifice must necessarily meant to inform heaven as articles for the dead. Such "Osamnanyasinhakbiyoung" of structure and contents of the second volume was reflected in "Sungmoonsanguicho(釋門喪儀抄)". "Osamnanyasinhakbiyoung" written intent is reflected in the prolegomena of the "Sungmoonsanguicho" it influenced $Jh{\bar{a}}peti$-Rites during the Joseon Dynasty. "Osamnanyasinhakbiyoung" of prepare after death and "Sunksiyoram(釋氏要覽)" of funeral was incorporated as "Sungmoonsanguicho". It built the $st{\bar{u}}pa$ is a symbol of tranquility achieved a kind of enlightenment. Human life ends with death, and it completed the $Jh{\bar{a}}peti$-Rites in "Sungmoonsanguicho". The significance here is in. Tying the funeral and burial in one enshrine the relics will be shown on the top by the completion of life. In particular, Kankyungdogam(刊經都監) published in the $Jh{\bar{a}}peti$-Rites "Osamnanyasinhakbiyoung" were engraved production and dissemination. That it will have another significance.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.315-353
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• 2017

This study examined the music policies of the three kings, Seongjong, Jungjong, and Injo, who were in power for about 200 years from the late 15th century to the early 17th century. These three kings deserve attention in musical history for different reasons. Sungjong published "Gugjooryeui"(1474), "Gyeong-gugdaejeon"(1476), and "Aghaggwebeom"(1493), the typical etiquette books, law books, and musical books that take the most important position in the history of Joseon, so his direction of music policy deserves attention. Jungjong was the king who rose to the throne after there was a revolt against Yeonsangun's tyranny. Injo ascended to the throne by starting a military coup d'etat himself. One may wonder how the aspect of music policies developed by a king, who was crowned by a revolt, is different from other cases. As each of these three kings had different background of enthronement and the contents of music policies in the royal family also developed with different emphasis, this study examined each aspect separately. Sungjong emphasized the importance of music and regarded it important to cultivate officials who know music. To this end, he gave a special order to Yejo(the office of protocol) and this study tried to clarify the contents first. In addition, this study examined the process, contents, and meaning of various modification works related to the revision of the lyrics used in the ceremonies. Jungjong supplemented the institutional aspects of music. This is the result of expressing the will to correct the anomalous and reckless music policies of the period of Yeonsangun. In addition, many words in the lyrics had been about Buddhist doctrines and love songs between male and female, so there were efforts to reform these. As for the period of Injo, this study examined the music policies that were made in the process of resolving the crisis after the war. It was a time when court musicians were scattered after two times of war and it was not possible to hold the national ritual properly, so music policies in this period were different from the ones in stable era. This study covered discussions on the measures to collect lost instruments and scattered musicians. It also looked at how the restoration effort was made in the situation that the music used in ancestral rites was abolished.