• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.20
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• pp.251-307
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• 2010

Manbojeonseo, a kind of an encyclopedia published several times in Ming Ch'ing dynasty, includes useful information for scholars and common people on daily lives. In 1720, Manbojeonseo was first introduced to Joseon(朝鮮) dynasty by the diplomatic corps visiting Ch'ing dynasty, and widely circulated in the society as an useful information magazine or an individual collection of reference book. Since Manbojeonseo includes the systematically-organized contents of Geumdoron(琴道論, a theory of a heptachord), it could provide a useful reference when the Geumdoron was inserted as the contents of old scores. For an instance, Obultan(五不彈), Tangeumsuji(彈琴須知), and Taeeumgibeop(太音紀法) recorded in Hangeumsinbo(韓琴新譜, 1724) clearly acknowledge Manbojeonseo as their common source. In this paper, the order and the contents of Geumdorons from four different Manbojeonseo are compared. At first, the comparative analysis of Manbojeonseo (1610) edited by Seo Giryong(徐企龍) and Manbojeonseo(1612) edited by Yu Jamyeong(劉子明) are carried out focusing on the contents of the Geumdoron, where both Manbojeonseos contain considerable amount of Geumdoron sections. The tables of the contents in both Manbojeonseos are composed of upper and lower levels classified into 4 large divisions for each. While the contents of the upper level is presumably older and focused more on the theory of the cardinal virtues, the contents of the lower one is relatively new and centered more on the skills for the real play of a heptachord(琴), the lyrics and the musical scores composed of Gamjabo(減字譜). Therefore, it could be said that the upper level is metaphysical while the lower level is physical. One of the differences between those two Manbojeonseos lies in the order and the terminology found in the large divisions. In the case of Manbojeonseo(1612), some terms in the large division represent and theoretically group the detailed descriptions in the small divisions such as 5 demands or 7 taboos in the play of the heptachord. In addition, a few lower divisions were newly added or revised in order to enhance the completeness of Geumhangmun(琴學門, study of a heptachord), and the detailed classification was revised and polished to improve the reasonableness. In Manbojeonseo(1614) composed by the same editor as Manbojeonseo(1610), the contents of the Geumdoron become much briefer than those of Manbojeonseo(1610) and Manbojeonseo(1612). In the case of Manbojeonseo(1739), a new type of the Geumdoron is included called Oeumjeongjobo(五音正操譜) while carrying a similarly brief section of the Geumdoron. Finally, the Geumdorons in Manbojeonseo and several old scores are comparatively analyzed. While the Geumbo(琴譜) owned by Gugagwon(國樂院) and Hangeumsinbo contains relatively old Geumdoron, Yuyeji(遊藝志) and Bangsanhanssigeumbo(芳山韓氏琴譜) adopt practical and relatively new Geumdorons different from the former old scores and similar to Manbojeonseo(1739) considering the order and the contents. In particular, the contents of the Geumdoron in Geumheonakbo(琴軒樂譜) is notably unique containing much of the upper and the lower levels of Manbojeonseo(1612), therefore thought to have actively adopted the contents of new Geumdorons.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.43
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• pp.357-380
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• 2021

Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』 is a book that summarizes only the important contents from the Akjang 樂章. Akjang 樂章 is arranged in the first half, and score 樂譜 is arranged in the second half. It seems that Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』 passed through a total of four stages through the time when the handwriting and the lyrics were written. The presence of various handwriting and traces of modifications means that it has been passed through by several people, so it is not unrelated to the fact that several traces remain on the back of the cover of Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』. The first part of the Akjang 樂章 is a method of presenting the name and lyrics of the accompanying music based on the ritual procedure, and in particular, the lyrics are written in Chinese characters and Hangeul sounds to improve readability. The score in the second half complies with the ritual procedures, but boldly omits overlapping melodies, and is composed based on the music, and various symbols are used to capture the expression of court music. This structure is a reflection of the direction we practiced to harmonize with the music after prior ritual procedures and diction. This was a device to increase the efficiency of music education and music practice for the court musician. The characteristics of the musical pieces are that they consist of essential musical pieces that must be mastered as musicians. In addition, the name Kim Hyung-sik 金亨植 is noted on the back cover of Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』, and he was a court musician who was active in the age of King Sunjo 純祖. In other words, the musical pieces included in Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』 are the core repertoire played by court musicians like Kim Hyung-sik 金亨植. Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』 is a 'music practice booklet' containing the daily life of court musicians. Akjang yoram 『樂章要覽』 is a booklet designed for the purpose of teaching the court musicians to sing while correctly pronouncing the lyrics in major ceremonies. It is even more noteworthy in that Kim Hyung-sik 金亨植 was an owner. In addition to the fact that Kim Hyung-sik's name remains, and in the practicality of being used by various court musicians reflecting and modifying the changes of the times, it is meaningful in that it contains the path of court musicians who spent a lot of time and time to transmit court music.

• The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
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• v.10
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• pp.41-61
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• 2008

The outline and characteristics of the important doctors of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai'(折衷派) are as follows. Part 1. In the late Edo(江戶) period The 'Zhe Zhong Pai', which tried to take the theory and clinical treatment of the 'Hou Shi Pai (後世派)' and the 'Gu Fang Pai(古方派)' and get their strong points to make treatments perfect, appeared. Their point was 'The main part is the art of the ancients, The latter prescriptions are to be used'(以古法爲主, 後世方爲用) and the "Shang Han Lun(傷寒論)" was revered for its treatments but in actual use it was not kept at that. As mentioned above The 'Zhe Zhong Pai' viewed treatments as the base, which was the view of most doctors in the Edo period. However, the reason the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' is not valued as much as the 'Gu Fang Pai' by medical history books in Japan is because the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' does not have the substantiation or uniqueness of the 'Gu Fang Pai', and also because the view of 'gather as well as store up'(兼收並蓄) was the same as the 'Kao Zheng Pai'. Moreover, the 'compromise'(折衷) point of view was from taking in both Chinese and western medical knowledge systems(漢蘭折衷). Generally the pioneer of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' is seen as Mochizuki Rokumon(望月鹿門) and after that was Fukui Futei(福井楓亭), Wadato Kaku(和田東郭), Yamada Seichin(山田正珍) and Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡). Part 2. The lives of Wada Tokaku(和田東郭), Nakagame Kinkei(中神琴溪), Nei Teng Xi Zhe(內藤希哲), the important doctors of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', are as follows. First Wada Tokaku(和田東郭, 1743-1803) was born when the 'Hou Shi Pai' was already declining and the 'Gu Fang Pai' was flourishing and learned medicine from a 'Hou Shi Pai' doctor, Hu Tian Xu Shan(戶田旭山) and a 'Gu Fang Pai' doctor, Yoshimasu Todo(吉益東洞). He was not hindered by 'the old ways(古方)' and did not lean towards 'the new ways(後世方)' and formed a way of compromise that 'looked at hardness and softness as the same'(剛柔相摩) by setting 'the cure of the disease' as the base, and said that to cure diseases 'the old way' must be used, but 'the new way' was necessary to supplement its shortcomings. His works include "Dao Shui Suo Yan(導水瑣言)", "Jiao Chiang Fang Yi Je(蕉窗方意解)" and "Yi Xue Sho(醫學說)". Second. Nakagame Kinkei(中神琴溪, 1744-1833) was famous for leaving Yoshimasu Todo(吉益東洞) and changing to the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and in his early years used qing fen(輕粉) to cure geisha(妓女) of syphilis. His argument was "the "Shang Han Lun" must be revered but needs to be adapted", "Zhong Jing can be made into a follower but I cannot become his follower", "the later medical texts such as "Ru Men Shi Qin(儒門事親)" should only be used for its prescriptions and not its theories". His works include "Shang Han Lun Yue Yan(傷寒論約言)". Third, Nei Teng Xi Zhe(內藤希哲, 1701-1735) learned medicine from Qing Shui Xian Sheng(淸水先生) and went out to Edo. In his book "Yi Jing Jie Huo Lun(醫經解惑論)" he tells of how he went from 'learning'(學) to 'skepticism'(惑) and how skepticism made him learn in 'the six skepticisms'(六惑). In the latter years Xi Zhe(希哲) combines the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing(神農本草經)", the main text for herbal medicine, "Ming Tang Jing(明堂經)" of accupuncture, basic theory texts "Huang Dui Nei Jing(皇帝內經)" and "Nan Jing(難經)" with the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun", a book that the 'Gu Fang Pai' saw as opposing to the rest, and became 'an expert of five scriptures'(五經一貫). Part 3. Asada Showhaku(淺田宗伯, 1815-1894) started medicine at Zhong Cun Zhong Zong(中村中倧) and learned 'the old way'(古方) from Yoshimasu Todo and got experience through Ouan Yue(川越) and Fu Jing(福井) and received teachings in texts, history and Wang Yangmin's principles(陽明學) fmm famous teachers. Showhaku(倧伯) meets a medical official of the makufu(幕府), Ben Kang Zong Yuan(本康宗圓), and receives help from the 3 great doctors of the Edo period, Taki Motokato(多紀元堅), Xiao Dao Xue Gu(小島學古) and Xi Duo Cun Kao(喜多村栲窻) and further develops his arts. At 47 he diagnoses the general Jia Mao(家茂) with 'heart failure from beriberi'(脚氣衡心) and becomes a Zheng Shi(徵土), at 51 he cures a minister from France and received a present from Napoleon, at 65 he becomes the court physician and saves Ming Gong(明宮) Jia Ren Qn Wang(嘉仁親王, later the 大正天皇) from bodily convulsions and becomes 'the vassal of merit who saved the national polity(國體)' At the 7th year of the Meiji(明治) he becomes the 2nd owner of Wen Zhi She(溫知社) and takes part in the 'kampo continuation movement'. In his latter years he saw 14000 patients a year, so we can estimate the qualjty and quantity of his clinical skills. Showhaku(宗伯) wrote over 80 books including the "Ju Chuang Shu Ying(橘窻書影)", "Wu Wu Yao Shi Fang Han(勿誤藥室方函)", "Shang Han Biang Shu(傷寒辨術)", "Jing Qi Shen Lun(精氣神論)", "Hunag Guo Ming Yi Chuan(皇國名醫傳)" and the "Xian Jhe Yi Hua(先哲醫話)". Especially in the "Ju Chuang Shu Ying(橘窻書影) he says "the old theories are the main, and the new prescriptions are to be used"(以古法爲主, 後世方爲用), stating the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' way of thinking, In the first volume of "Shang Han Biang Shu(傷寒辨術)" and "Za Bing Lun Shi(雜病論識)", 'Zong Ping'(總評), He discerns the parts that are not Zhang Zhong Jing's writings and emphasizes his theories and practical uses.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.121-141
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• 2007

The outline and characteristics of the important doctors of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai'(折衷派) are as follows. Part 1. In the late Edo(江戶) period The 'Zhe Zhong Pai', which tried to take the theory and clinical treatment of the 'Hou Shi Pai (後世派)' and the 'Gu Fang Pai (古方派)' and get their strong points to make treatments perfect, appeared. Their point was 'The main part is the art of the ancients, The latter prescriptions are to be used'(以古法爲主, 後世方爲用) and the "Shang Han Lun(傷寒論)" was revered for its treatments but in actual use it was not kept at that. As mentioned above The 'Zhe Zhong Pai ' viewed treatments as the base, which was the view of most doctors in the Edo period, However, the reason the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' is not valued as much as the 'Gu Fang Pai' by medical history books in Japan is because the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' does not have the substantiation or uniqueness of the 'Gu Fang Pai', and also because the view of 'gather as well as store up' was the same as the 'Kao Zheng Pai', Moreover, the 'compromise'(折衷) point of view was from taking in both Chinese and western medical knowledge systems(漢蘭折衷), Generally the pioneer of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' is seen as Mochizuki Rokumon(望月鹿門) and after that was Fukui Futei(福井楓亭), Wadato Kaku(和田東郭), Yamada Seichin(山田正珍) and Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), Part 2. The lives of Wada Tokaku(和田東郭), Nakagame Kinkei(中神琴溪), Nei Teng Xi Zhe(內藤希哲), the important doctors of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', are as follows First. Wada Tokaku(和田東郭, 1743-1803) was born when the 'Hou Shi Pai' was already declining and the 'Gu Fang Pai' was flourishing and learned medicine from a 'Hou Shi Pai' doctor, Hu Tian Xu Shan(戶田旭山) and a 'Gu Fang Pai' doctor, Yoshimasu Todo(吉益東洞). He was not hindered by 'the old ways(古方), and did not lean towards 'the new ways(後世方)' and formed a way of compromise that 'looked at hardness and softness as the same'(剛柔相摩) by setting 'the cure of the disease' as the base, and said that to cure diseases 'the old way' must be used, but 'the new way' was necessary to supplement its shortcomings. His works include "Dao Shui Suo Yan", "Jiao Chiang Fang Yi Je" and "Yi Xue Sho(醫學說)" Second. Nakagame Kinkei(中神琴溪, 1744-1833) was famous for leaving Yoshirnasu Todo(吉益東洞) and changing to the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and in his early years used qing fen(輕粉) to cure geisha(妓女) of syphilis. His argument was "the "Shang Han Lun" must be revered but needs to be adapted", "Zhong jing can be made into a follower but I cannot become his follower", "the later medical texts such as "Ru Men Shi Qin(儒門事親)" should only be used for its prescriptions and not its theories". His works include "Shang Han Lun Yue Yan(傷寒論約言) Third. Nei Teng Xi Zhe(內藤希哲, 1701-1735) learned medicine from Qing Shui Xian Sheng(淸水先生) and went out to Edo. In his book "Yi Jing Jie Huo Lun(醫經解惑論)" he tells of how he went from 'learning'(學) to 'skepticism'(惑) and how skepticism made him learn in 'the six skepticisms'(六惑). In the latter years Xi Zhe(希哲) combines the "Shen Nong Ben Cao jing(神農本草經)", the main text for herbal medicine, "Ming Tang jing(明堂經)" of accupuncture, basic theory texts "Huang Dui Nei jing(黃帝內徑)" and "Nan jing(難經)" with the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun", a book that the 'Gu Fang Pai' saw as opposing to the rest, and became 'an expert of five scriptures'(五經一貫). Part 3. Asada Showhaku(淺田宗伯, 1815-1894) started medicine at Zhong Cun Zhong(中村中倧) and learned 'the old way'(古方) from Yoshirnasu Todo and got experience through Chuan Yue(川越) and Fu jing(福井) and received teachings in texts, history and Wang Yangmin's principles(陽明學) from famous teachers. Showhaku(宗伯) meets a medical official of the makufu(幕府), Ben Kang Zong Yuan(本康宗圓), and recieves help from the 3 great doctors of the Edo period, Taki Motokato(多紀元堅), Xiao Dao Xue GU(小島學古) and Xi Duo Cun Kao Chuang and further develops his arts. At 47 he diagnoses the general Jia Mao(家茂) with 'heart failure from beriberi'(脚氣衝心) and becomes a Zheng Shi(徵I), at 51 he cures a minister from France and received a present from Napoleon, at 65 he becomes the court physician and saves Ming Gong(明宮) jia Ren Qn Wang(嘉仁親王, later the 大正犬皇) from bodily convulsions and becomes 'the vassal of merit who saved the national polity(國體)' At the 7th year of the Meiji(明治) he becomes the 2nd owner of Wen Zhi She(溫知社) and takes part in the 'kampo continuation movement'. In his latter years he saw 14000 patients a year, so we can estimate the quality and quantity of his clinical skills Showhaku(宗伯) wrote over 80 books including the "Ju Chuang Shu Ying(橘窓書影)", "WU Wu Yao Shi Fang Han(勿誤藥室方函)", "Shang Han Biang Shu(傷寒辨術)", "jing Qi Shen Lun(精氣神論)", "Hunag Guo Ming Yi Chuan(皇國名醫傳)" and the "Xian Jhe Yi Hua(先哲醫話)". Especially in the "Ju Chuang Shu Ying(橘窓書影)" he says "the old theories are the main, and the new prescriptions are to be used"(以古法爲主, 後世方爲用), stating the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' way of thinking. In the first volume of "Shung Han Biang Shu(傷寒辨術) and "Za Bing Lun Shi(雜病論識)", 'Zong Ping'(總評), He discerns the parts that are not Zhang Zhong Jing's writings and emphasizes his theories and practical uses.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.46
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• pp.85-106
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• 2017

With the media's shift into the digital era in the 2000s, comic book publishers attempted a transition into the new medium by establishing a distribution structure using internet networks. But that effort shied from escaping the parallel-page reading structure of traditional comics. On the other hand, webtoons are showing divers changes by redesigning the structure of traditional sequential art media; they tend to separate and allot spaces according to the vertical scroll reading method of the internet browser and include animations, sound effects and background music. This trend is also in accordance with the preferences of modern readers. Modern society has complicated social structures with the development of various media; the public is therefore exposed to different stimuli and shows characteristics of differentiated perceptions. In other words, webtoons display more relevant and entertaining characteristics by inserting sounds and using moving texts and characters in specific frames, while traditional comics require an appreciation of withdrawal and immersion like other published media. Motions in webtoons are partially applied for dramatic tension or to create an effective expression of action. For example, hand-drawn animation is adopted to express motions by dividing motion images into many layers. Sounds are also utilized, such as background music with episode-related lyrics, melodies, ambient sounds and motion-related sound effects. In addition, webtoons provide readers with new amusement by giving tactile stimuli via the vibration of a smart phone. As stated above, the vertical direction, time-based nature of animation motions and tactile stimuli used in webtoons are differentiated from published comics. However, webtoons' utilization of innovative techniques hasn't yet reached its full potential. In addition to the fact that the software used for webtoon effects is operationally complex, this is a transitional phenomenon since there is still a lack of technical understanding of animation and sound application amongst the general public. For example, a sound might be programmed to play when a specific frame scrolls into view on the monitor, but the frame may be scrolled faster or slower than the author intended; in this case, sound can end before or after a reader sees the whole image. The motion of each frame is also programmed to start in a similar fashion. Therefore, a reader's scroll speed is related to the motion's speed. For this reason, motions might miss the intended timing and be unnatural because they are played out of context. Also, finished sound effects can disturb the concentration of readers. These problems come from a shortage of continuity; to solve these, naturally activated consecutive sounds or animations, like the simple rotation of joints when a character moves, is required.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.2
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• pp.114-131
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• 2014

The Portrait of Yang Zhuxi(楊竹西小像) at the Palace Museum in Beijing holds important significance as one of the rare portraits from Yuan Period and as a painting with a definite year of creation in 1363. It is also noteworthy in that it is the only remaining work of Wang Yi(王繹), who was one of the critical portrait painters during the second half of Yuan Period and the author of Xiexiang Mijue(寫像秘訣), the first book on the portrait theories, that it was created in conjunction with Ni Zan(倪瓚), one of the utmost landscape painters of the times, and that it was an early case of landscape and figure painting-format portraits. The figure in Portrait of Yang Zhuxi was originally known as Yang Wu(楊瑀), a high official during Yuan Period, but it was a misunderstanding on the part of Li Rihua(李日華), a literary figure from Ming Dynasty. The actual model was Yang Qian(楊謙), a reclusive literary figure in the Songjiang(松江) region. Yang Qian is estimated as one of the central figures with a high reputation in the literary community of Jiangnan those days. Portrait of Yang Zhuxi was depicted by borrowing the icon of such hermits as Su Shih(蘇軾), which seems like a proper choice to express Yang Zhuxi, a reclusive literary figure. Furthermore, the rocks and pine trees described by Ni Zan reinforced the significance of the portrait through their traditional symbolism of man of virtue and man of letters, respectively. Portrait of Yang Zhuxi used the Baimiao Manner(白描法), thus being differentiated from other portraits from the same period. Even though there is no coloring in the painting, it boasts more excellent realism than colored portraits. It expressed the body with the graceful and controlled Li Gonglin(李公麟) and Zhao Mengfu(趙孟?) style Baimiao Manner, raising its dignity further. In terms of functions, Portrait of Yang Zhuxi is strongly characterized by the appreciative function unlike other portraits focused on the ceremonial function. Being created to be viewed and appreciated by the model himself and his friends, the portrait was very significant to promote their friendship. However, there was a great intention to reflect the emotions of the model himself and his friends in the painting beyond the simple appreciation level.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.2
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• pp.70-95
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• 2013

The Tejaprabha Buddha painting, located in the Korai Museum in Kyoto, Japan, was made in 1569 when Joseon Dynasty was in his $14^{th}$ year under SeonJo's ruling, and is only one of Tejaprabha Buddha paintings from the early Chosun dynasty. With its well preserved state, the painting allows clear indications of all icons and list of names that were written, and the record region also has minimal deterioration. This Buddhist painting is a GumSeonMyoHwa which is drawn with gold lining on red hemp cloth and has a relatively small dimension of $84.8{\times}66.1cm$. With the Tejaprabha Buddha in the center, the painting has two unidentified Bodhisattvas, Navagrabha, Rahu, Keto, YiSipPalSoo (28 constellation of the eastern philosophy), SipYiGoong (12 zodiacs of the western philosophy), SamDaeYookSung, and BookDooChilSung (the Big Dipper), all of which provide resourceful materials for constellation worshipin the Joseon era. This painting has a crucial representation of the overall Tejaprabha Buddhism - a type of constellation worships - from the early Joseon dynasty. Even though the composition does seem to be affiliated with the paintings from the Koryo dynasty, there are meaningful transformations that reflect changes in content into constellation worship in Joseon dynasty. As a part of the Tejaprabha Buddha, SipIlYo has become a center of the painting, but with reduced guidance and off-centered 'Weolpe (star)', the painting deteriorates the concept of SipIlYo's composition. Furthermore, addition of Taoistic constellation beliefs, such as JaMiSung (The purple Tenuity Emperor of the North Pole), OkHwangDaeChae, and CheonHwangJae, eliminates the clear distinction between Taoistic and Buddhist constellation worships. Unlike the Chinese Tejaprabha Buddha painting, the concept of YiSipPalSoo (28 constellation of eastern philosophy) in this painting clearly reflects Korean CheonMoonDo's approach to constellation which can be applied to its uniqueness of the constellation worships. The fact that the Big Dipper and ChilWonSungKoon (Buddha of the Root Destiny Stars of the Northern and central Dipper) are simultaneously drawn can also be interpreted as the increase in importance of the constellation worship at the time as well.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.97
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• pp.69-86
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• 2020

Haenghaeng Ilgi (Diary of a Royal Trip) (koo 7152; hereafter Ilgi) in the collection of the National Museum of Korea provides an account of Crown Prince Sado's incognito royal visit to Pyeongyang in the fourth month of 1761. Ilgi was written by Ham Daeil, a low-ranking military officer in Pyeongyang. Ham was singled out for praise by Crown Prince Sado (1735-1762) and served the prince from the seventh day of the fourth month to the first day of the fifth month. Ilgi documented the deeds of Crown Prince Sado during this period and provides detailed information on his incognito visit to Pyeongyang, which was not officially recorded. Ilgi shows characteristics differentiating it from many other diaries. For example, the quality of the paper, neat handwriting, and well-organized sentences differ from those of common diaries. These distinctions indicate that Ilgi is closer to an official document than a private diary written by an individual. Since Ilgi records Crown Prince Sado's incognito visit to Pyeongyang, is only vaguely known otherwise, its contents need to be examined in terms of whether or not they are fully factual. As the first step in such verification, It is traced that Ham Daeil's family history which turned out to match what is written in Ilgi. Moreover, Ilgi mentions about Prince Crown Sado's writing a piece of calligraphy, and a matching piece of calligraphy written by Sado still survives today. It can be confirmed that the contents of Ilgi are factual in at least these regards. However, although Crown Prince Sado was known to have met people from various social classes during his visit to Pyeongyang, Ilgi focuses only on Crown Prince Sado and Ham Daeil. This suggests the possibility that the surviving version of Ilgi may be an edited condensation based on original texts containing more complete information on Crown Prince Sado's visit. Ilgi is presumed to have been produced during the generation of Ham Jeonghui, a son of Ham Daeil. The dates of birth and death of Ham Daeil fall during the reign of King Yeongjo. It is unlikely that any records regarding Crown Prince Sado would have been published while King Yeongjo, who was hostile to Sado, ruled the country. Ilgi also provides strong evidence that Ham Jeonghui presented the subsequent king, King Jeongjo, with the calligraphy by Crown Prince Sado and the diary. It is unclear if the book Ham Jeonghui presented him was the same as the extant version of Ilgi. Nonetheless, considering the situation at the time when King Jeongjo was pursuing several projects to honor his father Sado, it is highly probable that Ilgi was produced during the reign of King Jeongjo. The periods of presenting the calligraphy and the diary respectively overlapped with the production of Hyeollyungwon, the royal tomb of Crown Prince Sado, and Sado's sixtieth birthday. Therefore, is it considered reasonable that Ham Jeonghui produced Ilgi to promote his own social ambitions.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.24
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• pp.289-332
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• 1993

In china, six bibliographies of offical historical books are evaluated at the most important things among the systematically-editing bibliographies. These bibliographies would be usful to study the orign of classical sciences and their development, bibliographic research of Chinese classics, bibliographic judgement on genuine books, titles, authors, volumes. They could be refered to research into graving, correcting, and existence of ancient books. therefore, these bibliographies would be applied to estimation the phase of scientific and cultural development. The study of these bibliographies has been not yet made in Korea. This thesis lays its importance on the background of their appearance, their classification norms, organizing system of their catalogue, and comparison between their difference. 1. Editing and compiling of Chilyak (칠약) by Liu Chin (유흠) and official histories played an important role of entering an apperance of historical book's bibliographies. Chilyak has been lost. However, its classification and compiling system of classical books would be traced by Hansoyemunji(한서예문지) of which basic system is similar to Chilyak. It classified books according to their scientific characteristic. If a few books didn't have their own categories, they were combined by the circles parallel to the books' characteristic. With the books classified under the same scientific characteristic, they were again divided into the scientific schools or structures. It also arranged the same kinds of books according to the chronology. The some books wi th duplicate subjects were classified multiplely by their duplicate subject. 2. Ssu-ma Chon's (사마천) The Historical Records (Saki, 사기) and Pan Ku's (반고) The History of the Former Han Dynasty (Hanso, 한서) has also took effects on appearance of historical books' bibliographies. Covering overall history, Saki was structured by the five parts: The basic annals(본기), the chronological tables (표), the documents (서), the hereditary houses (세가), biographies (열전). The basic annals dealt with kings and courts' affairs according to the chronology. The chronological tables was the records of the annals. The documents described overall the social and cultural systems. The hereditary houses recorded courts' meritorious officials and public figures. The biographies showed exemplars of seventy peoples selected by their social status. Pan Ku(반구)'s The History of the Former Han Dynasty(한서) deserved to be called the prototype for the offical histories after Saki's (사기; The Historical Records) apperance. Although it modelled on Saki, it had set up its own cataloguing system. It was organized by four parts; the basic annals (본기), the chronological tables (표), treatises(지), biographies (열전). The documents in the Hanso(한서) was converted into treatises(지). The hereditary houses and biographies were merged. For the first time, the treatise with The Yemunji could operate function for historical bibliographies. 3. There were six historical bibliographies: Hansoyemunji(한서예문지), Susokyongjeokji (수서경적지), Kudangsokyongjeokji(구당서경적지), Shindangsoyemunji (신당서예문지), Songsayemunji (송사예문지), Myongsayemunji (명사예문지). 1) Modelling on Liu Chin's Chilyak except Chipryak(집략), Hansoyemunji divided the characteristic of the books and documents into six parts: Yukrye(육예), Cheja(제자), Shibu(시부), Pyongsoh(병서), Susul(수술), Pangki(방기). Under six parts, there were thirty eight orders in Hansoyemunji. To its own classification, Hansoyemunji applied the Chilyak's theory of classification that the books or documents were managed according to characteristic of sciences, the difference of schools, the organization of sentences. However the overlapped subjects were deleted and unified into one. The books included into an unsuitable subject were corrected and converted into another. The Hansoyemunji consisted of main preface (Taesoh 대서), minor preface (Sosoh 소서) , the general preface (Chongso 총서). It also recorded the introduction of books and documents, the origin of sciences, the outline of subjects, and the establishment of orders. The books classified by the subject had title, author, and volumes. They were rearranged by titles and the chronological publication year. Sometimes author was the first access point to catalogue the books. If it was necessary for the books to take footnotes, detail notes were formed. The Volume number written consecutively to order and subject could clarify the quantity of books. 2) Refering to Classfication System by Seven Norms (칠분법) and Classification System by Four Norms(사분법), Susokyongjeokji(수서경적지) had accomplished the classification by four norms. In fact, its classification largely imitated Wanhyosoh(완효서)'s Chilrok(칠록), Susokyongjeokji's system of classification consisted of four parts-Kyung(경), Sa(사), Cha(자), Chip(칩). The four parts were divided into 40 orders. Its appendix was again divided into two parts, Buddihism and Taiosm. Under the two parts there were fifteen orders. Totally Susokyongjeokji was made of six parts and fifty five orders. In comparison with Hansoyemunji(한서예문지), it clearly showed the conception of Kyung, Sa, Cha, Chip. Especially it deserved to be paid attention that Hansoyemunji laied history off Chunchu(춘추) and removed history to Sabu(사부). However Chabu(사부) put many contrary subjects such as Cheja(제자), Kiye(기예), Sulsu(술수), Sosol(소설) into the same boundary, which committed errors insufficient theoretical basis. Anothor demerit of Susokyongjeokji was that it dealt with Taiosm scriptures and Buddism scriptures at the appendix because they were considered as quasi-religion. Its compilation of bibliographical facts consisted of main preface(Taesoh 대서), minor preface(Sosoh 소서), general preface (Chongsoh 총서), postscript (Husoh 후서). Its bibliological facts mainly focused on the titles. Its recorded authors' birth date and their position. It wrote the lost and existence of books consecutive to total number of books, which revealed total of the lost books in Su Dynasty. 3) Modelling on the basis of Kokumsorok(고분서록) and Naewaekyongrok(내외경록), Kudangsokyongjeokji(구당서경적지) had four parts and fourty five orders. It was estimated as the important role of establishing basic frame of classification by four norms in classification theory's history. However it had also its own limit. Editing and compling orders of Kudangsokyongjeokji had been not progressively changed. Its orders imitated by and large Susokyongjeokji. In Its system of organizing catalogue, with its minor preface and general preface deleting, Kudangsokyongjeokji by titles after orders sometimes broke out confusion because of unclear boundaries between orders. 4) Shindangsoyemunji(신당서예문지), adding 28,469 books to Kudangsokyongjeokji, recorded 82,384 books which were divided by four parts and fourty four orders. In comparison with Kudangkyongjeokj, Sindangsoyemunji corrected unclear order's norm. It merged the analogical norms four orders (for instance, Kohun 고훈 and Sohakryu 소학류) and seperated the different norms four orders (for example, Hyokyong 효경 and Noneuhryu 논어류, Chamwi 참위 and Kyonghaeryu 경해류, Pyonryon 편년 and Wisaryu 위사류). Recording kings' behaviors and speeches (Kikochuryu 기거주류) in the historical parts induced the concept of specfication category. For the first time, part of Chipbu (집부) set up the order of classification norm for historical and literatural books and documents (Munsaryu 문사류). Its editing and compiling had been more simplified than Kudangsokyongjeokji. Introduction was written at first part of bibliographies. Appendants except bibliographic items such subject, author, title, volume number, total were omitted. 5) Songsayemunji(송사예문지) were edited in the basis of combining Puksong(북송) and Namsong(남송), depending on Sabukuksayemunji(사부국사예문지). Generally Songsayemunji had lost a lot of bibliographical facts of many books. They were duplicated and wrongly classified books because it committed an error of the incorrectly annalistic editing. Particularly Namsong showed more open these defaults. Songsayemunji didin't include the books published since the king Youngchong(영종). Its system of classification was more better controlled. Chamwiryu(참위류) in the part of Kyongbu(경부) was omitted. In the part of history(Sabu 사부), recordings of kings' behaviors and speeches more merged in the annals. Historical abstract documents (Sachoryu 사초류) were seperately arranged. In the part of Chabu(자부), Myongdangkyongmaekryu(명당경맥류) and Euisulryu(의술류) were combined. Ohangryu(오행류) were laied off Shikuryu(시구류). In the part of Chipbu(집부), historical and literatural books (Munsaryu 문사류) were independentely arranged. There were the renamed orders; from Wisa(위사) to Paesa(패사), Chapsa (잡사) to Pyolsa(열사), Chapchonki(잡전기) to Chonki(전기), Ryusoh(류서) to Ryusa(류서). Introduction had only main preface. The books of each subject catalogued by title, the volume number, and author and arranged mainly by authors. Annotations were written consecutively after title and the volume number. In the afternote the number of not-treated books were revealed. Difference from Singdangsohyemunji(신당서예문지) were that the concept and boundary of orders became more clearer. It also wrote the number of books consecutive to main subject. 6) Modelling on Chonkyongdangsomok (경당서목), Myongsayemunji(명사예문지) was compiled in the basis of books and documents published in the Ming Danasty. In classification system, Myongsayemunji partly merged and the seperated some orders for it. It also deleted and renamed some of orders. In case of necessity, combining of orders' norm was occured particulary in the part of Sabu(사부) and Chabu(자부). Therefore these merging of orders norm didn't offer sufficient theretical background. For example, such demerits were seen in the case that historical books edited by annals were combined with offical historical ones which were differently compiled and edited from the former. In the part of Chabu(자부), it broke out another confusion that Pubga(법가), Meongga(명가), Mukga(묵가), Chonghweongka's(종횡가) thoughts were classified in the Chapka(잡가). Scriptures of Taiosim and Buddhism were seperated from each other. There were some deleted books such as Mokrokryu(목록류), Paesaryu(패사류) in the part of history (Sabu 사부) and Chosaryu(초사류) in the part of Chipbu(집부). The some in the each orders had been renamed. Imitating compiling system of Songsayemunji(송사예문지), with reffering to its differ-ence, Myongsayemunji(명사예문지) wrote the review and the change of the books by author. The number of not-treated books didn't appear at the total. It also deleted the total following main subject.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.211-250
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• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.