• 제목/요약/키워드: Belt and Road Initiative(BRI)

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논평 : 중국의 일대일로 전략과 한국의 유라시아 이니셔티브에 대한 또 다른 시각 (Commentaries : There is No Substitute for SLOCs)

  • 이춘근
    • Strategy21
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    • 통권37호
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    • pp.177-192
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    • 2015
  • The Chinese government portrays the One Belt One Road Initiative (BRI) and South Korea President Park Geun-hae's Eurasia Initiative as a win-win opportunity which will hurt nobody's interests, but some South Korean commentators have interpreted it as much more than just a trade and development deal: they focus on the geopolitical implications and the possibility that the balance of power in Asia will be disturbed. South Korea depends upon its maritime-oriented Sea Lanes of Communication (SLOC) in focusing on its alliance with the US to deter North Korean threats and explore its export-based economic growth and development, and yet cannot afford to be left out of these initiatives which could transform the economic and logistical linkage between South Korea and Europe. Given its negative reception by the some pundits, however, South Korea should be more precautious for expressing only full-fledged supports for the BRI and Eurasia Initiative. Opponents of these two initiatives doubt that its putative benefits can be realized, at least in the short term, arguing that creating the necessary rail interconnections may be too costly.

The Belt Road Initiatives, Identity Politics, and The Making of Southeast Asian Identity

  • Pamungkas, Cahyo;Hakam, Saiful
    • 수완나부미
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    • 제11권2호
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    • pp.59-83
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    • 2019
  • The Chinese Belt Road initiatives in the Southeast Asian countries marked a new chapter in the development of China political influence on this region. This article looks at the initiative from the cultural dimension and aims to place its narrative as the entry point to understand the use of identity politics in Asian countries that target the Chinese diaspora. This topic relates to the primordial sentiments of Southeast Asian nations amid massive Chinese investment in the region. The issue of Chinese investments under the Belt Road Initiative corridor has a relationship with the formation of anti-Chinese discourse and anti-communist in some Southeast Asian countries. We took the cases of Indonesian and Malaysian elections to observe the use of identity politics and anti-Chinese political discourse in Southeast Asia. In both cases, a common issue emerged, that of the strengthening both Islamic and indigenous sensibilities. The establishment of ASEAN during the Cold War may be seen then as an anti-thesis to emerging Chinese power. However, anti-Chinese and anti-communism sentiments were not enough to unite the forces of the nations of Southeast Asia. We have concluded that brotherhood, mutual prosperity, and anti-neo-colonialism are yet to be fostered completely to make a distinct ASEAN identity.

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일대일로와 미·중 무역 분쟁: 글로벌 무역 네트워크에의 함의 (The Belt and Road Initiative and the US-China Trade War: Implications for Global Trade Networks)

  • 현기순
    • 한국경제지리학회지
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    • 제24권3호
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    • pp.243-258
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    • 2021
  • 본 연구는 미·중 무역 전쟁과 일대일로가 촉발할 세계무역의 변화를 부가가치 기준 무역 통계를 이용하고, 사회연결망 기법을 활용하여 분석하였다. 분석 결과, 첫째, 일대일로 무역 환경은 제조 허브로서의 중국의 위상을 견고히 하고, 유럽 서비스 산업의 위상을 강화한다. 둘째, 1995년부터 2011년까지 GVC 네트워크 내에서 영향력이 큰 산업인 미국의 R&D 산업과 도소매업 및 독일의 자동차 산업은 미·중 무역 분쟁과 일대일로 무역 환경이 반영된 2049년까지도 그 위상이 안정적으로 유지된다. 셋째, 커뮤니티 수의 증가를 통해 일대일로가 GVC 네트워크의 분화를 심화시킨다는 것을 확인할 수 있다. 끝으로 중국의 전자 산업, 독일의 자동차 산업, 미국의 R&D 산업의 커뮤니티 진화 형태에서 주목할 만한 특성이 발견되는데 이는 각국 서비스 산업의 역량과 밀접하게 연관된다.

중국 일대일로 항만의 효율성 평가 (Evaluating the Efficiency of Chinese Ports from the Perspective of Maritime Silk Road)

  • 왕관;안승범
    • 한국항만경제학회지
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    • 제37권1호
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    • pp.19-30
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    • 2021
  • 21 세기 해양 실크로드 (MSR)는 일대일로 이니셔티브 (BRI)의 핵심적인 부분이다. 아시아, 유럽, 아프리카 등 수십 개 국가의 경제 및 무역 통로이자 중요한 연결 노드인 항만과 항만 운영의 효율성은 BRI의 전략 실행에 직접적인 영향을 미친다. 본 논문에서는 BRI 및 관련 항만 효율 평가 방법을 결합한 DEA-BCC 모델을 사용하여 항만 생산 선석 수와 생산 선석 길이를 입력 지표 컨테이너 처리량으로, 화물 처리량을 출력 지표로 선택하여 14 개 항만의 항만 효율성을 분석하였다. 결과는 다음으로 요약된다 : (1) MSR을 따라 항만의 전반적인 효율성 수준이 낮게 나타난다. 대부분의 항만은 DEA 효율성에 도달하지 못하였고 투자규모 및 기술 개선에 있어 상이한 문제를 보여준다. 하지만 이러한 상황은 중국의 해양 협력 전략의 실행과 함께 해마다 개선되고 있다. (2) MSR 항만의 낮은 운영 효율성은 주로 규모 효율성과 기술 효율성 간의 조정 부족 때문으로 볼 수 있다. 이는 항만 자체에 대한 투자규모가 불충분하고 배후지와 항만 간의 유기적인 연계가 취약하기 때문이다. (3) 항만이 종합적인 경쟁력 확보 여부는 화물 처리량이나 규모에 전적으로 의존하지 않고 항만 운영 효율성도 포함되어 역할을 하는 것으로 파악된다

China's Digital Silk Road in Southeast Asia and Vietnam's Responses from 2015 to 2021

  • Dao D. Nguyen
    • 수완나부미
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    • 제15권2호
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    • pp.57-90
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    • 2023
  • China launched the Digital Silk Road (DSR) in 2015 as part of the existing Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to expand its influence in digital and technological development across Asia, Europe, and Africa. Southeast Asia is one of the key targets of the Digital Silk Road due to its geographical proximity to China and the rapid growth of the digital sphere. Although the DSR opens several potential opportunities for the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) member states to foster the digitalization process in the region, how each country reacts to projects under the DSR is varied. Secondly, Vietnam is the only ASEAN member state that has not signed any official agreement under the BRI framework, and thirdly, Vietnam opted out of Huawei technology. This paper aims to understand the perspective of Vietnam and how Vietnam has responded to the growing technological presence of China in Southeast Asia until 2021. By using qualitative methods, the author argues that the DSR has allowed Beijing to overcome the limitations of the original strategy, BRI, and strengthen its influence in the field of information and communication technologies, particularly fifth-generation (5G) telecommunications. Furthermore, the paper examines Vietnam's digital development and digital diplomacy and how the Vietnamese government has responded to DSR projects. In light of both the potential threats and economic benefits that the DSR has brought to Vietnam and Southeast Asian countries, in the last section, the policy implications for cooperation are discussed.

중국의 북극항로 개발사업, 일도(一道)의 특징과 시사점 (Analysis of China's Arctic Route Development associated with the Belt and Road initiative)

  • 송민근
    • 디지털융복합연구
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    • 제16권2호
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    • pp.103-115
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    • 2018
  • 지구 온난화에 따른 빙하의 해빙으로 새로운 물류 경로, 자원 개발 등 이론적으로 거론되어왔던 북극항로의 잠재 경쟁력이 점차 현실화되고 있으며, 2017년 6월 중국이 북극항로를 일대일로 사업에 편입함에 따라 북극항로에 대한 국제 사회의 관심이 더욱 확대되고 있다. 본 연구는 이러한 시점에서 북극항로의 특징, 중국의 북극항로 개발, 일대일로 편입관련 기대효과 및 한국 관점의 시사점 등을 종합적으로 검토했다. 북극항로는 시설 및 정보 인프라 환경이 매우 열악하며, 경쟁항로 대비 높은 비용조건 등으로 아직 상업적 운항에 경제성이 부족하고, 북극지역 탐사 및 개발에 대규모 자금이 장기간 소요되어 주요 국가는 개발에 어려움을 겪고 있었다. 하지만 북극항로가 일대일로 사업에 편입되면서 AIIB 등 일대일로 자금 동력이 활용될 수 있는 기회가 커졌으며, 이를 통해 중국 및 협력 국가의 북극항로 개발이 한층 본격화될 것으로 예상된다. 한편 한국은 북극항로를 통해 일대일로 주요 경로에 포함되었고, 북극항로의 핵심 지점에 위치한 지리적 위치 및 조선 분야의 기술력 등 강점을 바탕으로 중국 및 러시아와 다양한 협력 기회를 확대할 수 있을 것으로 예상된다.

Russia and China in Central Asia: Deepening Tensions in the Relationship

  • WILSON, JEANNE L.
    • Acta Via Serica
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    • 제6권1호
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    • pp.55-90
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    • 2021
  • In the last several decades, and especially since the Chinese launching of the Belt and Road (BRI) initiative in 2013, the Chinese presence in Central Asia has intensified. Russia and Chinese leaders deny that there is any conflict of interests between them, while the standard narrative has been that the two states adhere to a functional division of tasks in which China concentrates on economic activity while Russia acts as the security guarantor for the region. This article argues that the professed equanimity between the Russian and Chinese leaderships masks the emergence of widening cracks in their relationship with regard to Central Asia. The convenient narrative of a functional division of tasks between the two states is called into question by China's increasingly active presence in the military and security sector in the region, but China's influence is growing throughout the Central Asian economic, political, and social order. China's movement into Central Asia challenges Russia's claim to act as an equal partner of China, as well as its pretensions to regional hegemony. This development reflects the widening disparity between the two states with respect to their power capabilities but it also exposes the interactions between Russia and China in Central Asia as the most vulnerable aspect of their relationship. In Central Asia, a defensive Russia encounters an ascendant China.

Economics & Politics in China-India Relations: New Developments and Emerging Issues

  • PALIT, AMITENDU
    • Acta Via Serica
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    • 제5권2호
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    • pp.91-110
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    • 2020
  • This paper traces the trajectory of a variety of complicated economic and political developments between China and India - the world's most ancient civilizations connected by rich history. These recent developments, which are heavily acrimonious and include military clashes involving loss of lives, have greatly damaged bilateral relations. The paper examines the reasons behind the bilateral relations dipping to new lows. Aside from specific bilateral disputes like outstanding border problems, China-India relations have been affected by global and regional developments. The paper identifies rising tensions between the U.S. and China, the evolution of the Belt and Road Initiative, and the growth of the Indo-Pacific construct, as the reasons that have expanded distance and mistrust between the two countries. Both China and India are now part of country coalitions aiming to marginalize each other's strategic influences. The paper argues that such efforts by them are going to impact countries in their neighbourhood - such as in Central Asia - by forcing them to make complex choices in the areas of trade engagement and technological development.

关于东北亚地区内 "建设性的微边主义, 小区域主义" 制度 建设的必要性和效果的研究 -以韩国的视角为中心 - (A Study on the necessity and Effect of constructive minilateralism and subregionalism in Northeast Asia: Focused on Korean perspective)

  • Kim, Jaekwan
    • 분석과 대안
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    • 제4권1호
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    • pp.63-87
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    • 2020
  • This article not only theoretically explores the necessity and effect of constructive minilateralism and subregionalism in Northeast Asia, but also delves into a series of practical solutions from viewpoint of seeking common ground while reserving differences in this region. The main contents are as follows: First, the various obstacles that hinder the formation of regionalism, subregionalism and minilateralism in the Northeast Asia are discussed. That is to say, geopolitical realism, My Country First ideology, exclusive nationalism in the socio-historical context, and North Korea's latest provocations, etc. Second, this article explores the philosophy and basic principles of realizing Northeast Asia regionalism and minilateralism. Third, in the 21st century, Northeast Asia becomes the center of the world. It examines the core points, controversial focus and platform for building sub regionalism in the region. Finally, based on the institutional platform such as minilateralism and sub regionalism, the various ideas and practical plans of cross-border cooperation among major countries in Northeast Asia were discussed. Because there are a lot of obstacles, so first of all it is more appropriate to promote economic or functional minilateralism or sub regionalism than multilateral cooperation. In order to promote the formation of regionalism and minilateralism in Northeast Asia, the issues to be considered are as follows: First, for the sake of leading regional solidarity and minilateral economic cooperation, it is advisable for China, as a regional economic power, to implement a stable and responsible diplomacy. Secondly, regional solidarity based on credible politics and security should be promoted for a long time beyond the level of economic cooperation. Third, the primary prerequisite for the realization of Northeast Asian regionalism is that in the process of denuclearization of North Korea, the stability and peace mechanism of the Korean Peninsula should be established. Fourth, with the continued hegemonic competition between the United States and China in Northeast Asia, under the circumstance that countries in the region are pushed into so-called "East Asian Paradox", it is profoundly important for them to consider transition from the hostile relationship as the "Thucydides trap" to the order of "coexistence" in which competition and cooperation run side by side, and the two countries should explore a conversion plan for the foreign policy line. This mutual cooperation and peaceful coexistence of the US-China relationship will create a friendly atmosphere for the formation of regionalism in Northeast Asia. In the future, the cooperation of minilateralism in Northeast Asia will break the existing conflict between the maritime forces and the continental forces in order to promote peace. And along with the philosophy that "peace is economy", recent policies of common prosperity as the framework, such as China's "Belt and Road Initiative", North Korea's "Special Zone and Development Zone Policy", Russia's "New Eastern Policy", Japan's participation in the Belt and Road Initiative and South Korea's The "Korean Peninsula New Economy Map" are organically linked and it should promote the so-called "networked regionalism".

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