Feng, Yuan;Yan, Qinsiwei;Tseng, Po-Hsuan;Hao, Ganlin;Wu, Nan
KSII Transactions on Internet and Information Systems (TIIS)
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v.13
no.5
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pp.2299-2318
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2019
Location-aware networks are of great importance for both civil lives and military applications. Methods based on line-of-sight (LOS) measurements suffer sever performance loss in harsh environments such as indoor scenarios, where sensors can receive both LOS and non-line-of-sight (NLOS) measurements. In this paper, we propose a data association (DA) process based on the expectation maximization (EM) algorithm, which enables us to exploit multipath components (MPCs). By setting the mapping relationship between the measurements and scatters as a latent variable, coefficients of the Gaussian mixture model are estimated. Moreover, considering the misalignment of sensor position, we propose a space-alternating generalized expectation maximization (SAGE)-based algorithms to jointly update the target localization and sensor position information. A two dimensional (2-D) circularly symmetric Gaussian distribution is employed to approximate the probability density function of the sensor's position uncertainty via the minimization of the Kullback-Leibler divergence (KLD), which enables us to calculate the expectation step with low computational complexity. Moreover, a distributed implementation is derived based on the average consensus method to improve the scalability of the proposed algorithm. Simulation results demonstrate that the proposed centralized and distributed algorithms can perform close to the Monte Carlo-based method with much lower communication overhead and computational complexity.
KSII Transactions on Internet and Information Systems (TIIS)
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v.12
no.6
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pp.2619-2643
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2018
In this paper, a new clustering algorithm based on the connected region generation (CRG-clustering) is proposed. It is an effective and robust approach to clustering on the basis of the connectivity of the points and their neighbors. In the new algorithm, a connected region generating (CRG) algorithm is developed to obtain the connected regions and an isolated point set. Each connected region corresponds to a homogeneous cluster and this ensures the separability of an arbitrary data set theoretically. Then, a region expansion strategy and a consensus criterion are used to deal with the points in the isolated point set. Experimental results on the synthetic datasets and the real world datasets show that the proposed algorithm has high performance and is insensitive to noise.
Background: Some tumor types are related to HIV, including non-Hodgkin lymphoma (NHL). The morbidity and mortality of NHL has remained high, even after highly active antiretroviral therapy (HAART) was introduced. We collected cases of AIDS with NHL, and evaluated the imaging features and strategies for diagnosis. Materials and Methods: There were 27 patients with AIDS and tumors confirmed by pathology. There were 9 patients with Burkitt lymphoma, 16 with diffuse large B cell lymphomas (DLBCLs), and 2 with primary central nervous system (PCNS) lymphomas. All of the patients underwent a series of imaging studies. Three radiologists analyzed the images, and any disagreement was discussed until consensus was reached. Results: The radiologic manifestations of AIDS with NHL were mainly masses and lymphadenopathy, 3 patients having one mass and 12 two or more masses. 7 patients had lymphadenopathy in one site and 3patients had lymphadenopathy in two or more sites. Coarse mucosal folds, thickening of the gastrointestinal wall, and lumen narrowing were typical manifestations of NHL within the gastrointestinal tract. There were 4 patients with masses and 5 with lymphadenopathy inthe 9 with Burkitt lymphoma, and 11 patients with masses 5 with lymphadenopathy in the 16 with DLBCLs. Conclusion: NHL is a malignancy that usually occurs in patients with AIDS. Imaging is an important method by which to evaluate lesions, masses, and lymphadenopathy. Fine needle aspiration biopsy and stereotaxis biopsy are useful methods by which to diagnose NHL.
Southeast Asia witnessed a paradox of political stagnation and economic development in 2017. The 'dual order' of security dependence on America and economic dependence on China was sustained in East Asia. In this regard, Southeast Asia of two faces was quite similar to broader East Asia. On one hand, the old socialist group with totalitarian nostalgia lurked in the buffer zone between totalitarianism and authoritarianism, while the original capitalist group under democratic disguise roamed in the gray zone between authoritarianism and democracy. On the other, the old socialist group with the legacy of the planned economy succumbed to the temptation of the Beijing Consensus on state capitalism, while the original capitalist group with the myth of the market economy was exposed to the pressure of the Washington Consensus on liberal capitalism. The ASEAN Community representing the regional integration of Southeast Asia was caught in the strategic predicament of a looming 'new cold war' between the continental and maritime powers.
The article is devoted to the theoretical and practical analysis of Chinese global leadership. The concept of leadership is applied as a methodology, which involves identifying the main factors, such as strategic power, the attractiveness of political institutions, the ability to provide acceptable ideas and the presence of allies that contribute to a comprehensive analysis of the country's leadership potential. The authors also describe the relevance of Chinese global leadership and analyze its domestic, economic and international causes. Moreover, the ''Belt and Road'' initiative is defined as the main mechanism for providing the influence of China on the global level which is now being changed its quantitative component, namely the increasing attention to the security aspects of this initiative. In addition to that, it is important to note that China maintains its economic and political positions in Africa, Central Asia and South-East Asia. Africa has a special role in the Chinese ''Belt and Road'' initiative as a recipient of Chinese investments and a site for the deployment of China's naval facilities to protect the trade routes. On the regional level, China will strive to become a leader of the trade and economic processes in the Asia-Pacific region, the South China Sea and the North Korea nuclear program issues. The American factor in modern international relations, namely so-called "Trump factor", which means the U.S. withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the Paris Agreement, will cause demand for Chinese leadership in the Asia-Pacific region and in the world as well. However, in this case a number of questions arise: is China prepared for this? Is Beijing able to bear greater responsibility? Does China have the potential for this? The article concludes that China will not become global leaders in the next 20-30 years, because of internal (political reforms) and foreign policy reasons (doctrinal formulation of foreign policy initiatives, military-political and economic power, international posture and relations with other states). The authors believe that the implementation of Chinese leadership is possible not on the condition of confrontation between China and the United States, but on the establishing of constructive relations between these countries. The last meeting between Trump and Xi Jinping showed a trend for creating channels for dialogue between Beijing and Washington, which can become the basis for interaction. An important place in the work is given to the analysis of development and forecasting the evolution of Russian-Chinese and U.S.-China relations. As for Russia, Moscow should conduct a policy that will not allow it to become a ''junior partner'' of China.
Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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v.16
no.3
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pp.408-422
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2013
This paper builds on recent scholarly endeavours to establish a body of knowledge on Varieties of Asian Capitalism/Asian Business Systems. The forthcoming Oxford handbook of Asian business systems systematically compares institutional capitalist arrangements across Asia including Laos, yet there is no chapter on Cambodia. The objective of this paper is to compare the Lao and Cambodian varieties of Asian capitalism, with special reference to the role of the state and the economic geography of both countries. Accordingly, it seeks answers to the questions as to how territory has become a key arena for re-organising economic power and how the Lao and Cambodian state themselves are being transformed through state capitalism and the Beijing-Seoul-Tokyo Consensus. A comparative analysis reveals a difference between state-coordinated frontier capitalism in Laos versus patrimonial oligarchy in Cambodia. Interdependencies between the market and the state in Laos display the state as active and interventionist. In some provinces the central government leaves decision making to provincial elites contributing to the emergence of other distinctive regional varieties of capitalism. The rising spatially less selective oligarchs in Cambodia focus relatively more on markets, but are certainly not seeking free markets with equal entry opportunities. The findings offer interesting possibilities for further research on the spaces of Asian capitalism, both from an empirical and theoretical perspective. More work should be done to accommodate the role of small and medium enterprises and theories need to better integrate oligarchic, personal and familial capitalism. Finally, comparative corridor studies in Laos could lead to better insights into the nature of regional varieties of capitalism.
Objectives : The purpose of this study is to find a reasonable solution to a current status of drug classification between the drugs of western conventional (allopathic) medicine and Korean medicine. A clear and distinct concept on the drugs of allopathic medicine and Korean medicine based on reasonable concepts and broad consensus is a pressing issue in Korea, and will facilitate the development of herbal medicinal products and pharmaceutical industry. Methods : Considering the issue of drug classification from domestic and international regulations, we reviewed the current Drug Law of Korea and China, Guidance for Industry, Botanical Drug Products of USA, Directive 2004/24/EC of the European parliament and of the council. Results : In Korea, the drug classification of allopathic medicine and Korean medicine is quite vague even though differential licensure system is enforced for the clinicians of allopathic medicine and Korean medicine field. According to the definition in the Drug Law, the scope of Korean medicine drug is so broad that even a drug made of single-compound material, as well as herbal extract of crude mixture, is regarded as a drug of Korean medicine, as long as the material may be separated from medicinal herbs, animal tissues, or mineral resources. Only new compound not found in natural resources are outside of the scope of Korean medicine drug. In USA and EU, medicinal products manufactured from herbs are approved by separate regulations for the herbs with special waivers. In China, the category of new medicine and the definition of allopathic medicine and traditional chinese medicine are clearly specified and classified. Conclusions : As medicines are validated therapeutic materials for efficacy and toxicity, we suggest that generally the concept of conventional medicines is based on a single compound that has been synthesized and individually validated and that of Korean medicines is based on a compound extracted from natural materials or a complex of compounds that has been validated as a whole in its totality.
For the main countries of the Asia-Pacific region, the United States, China and Russia, a situation of "new normality" is emerging. Moreover, for each of the countries, this "new normality" has its own meaning. For the United States, this is an aggravation of the military confrontation with China in the Taiwan Strait. For China, this is an increase in the degree of rivalry with the United States and a slowdown in the pace of economic development with a very high probability of their decline in the future. For Russia, this is an almost complete curtailment of relations with the United States against the background of a special military operation and imposed sanctions. These nuances, in addition to the results of the 20th CPC Congress, will determine the main trends in Sino-American and Sino-Russian relations. It seems that China's attitude towards Russia will not change against the background of the Ukrainian crisis. Beijing will maintain a position of "benevolent neutrality" towards Moscow. At the same time, the balance between "goodwill" and "neutrality" may vary depending on the scope of Sino-Russian cooperation. For example, in the economic sphere, Chinese companies will be afraid to cooperate with Russian partners for fear of secondary sanctions. However, in general, Russia will retain its importance for China as the strongest anti-American pole. In relations with the United States, China will continue to firmly defend its interests, while at the same time not excluding the normalization of relations with Washington in certain areas of cooperation: strategic stability, non-traditional threats, ecology, etc. In general, the decisions of the 20th CPC Congress do not allow us to say either in favor or against the idea of China's readiness to resume dialogue with the United States in the post-congress period. Sino-American relations, as noted above, have their own logic and will probably continue to develop within its framework. However, so are Sino-Russian relations. Within the framework of these logics, Beijing seems to continue to balance between the two vectors of its foreign policy. On the one hand, this is the development of bilateral cooperation with Russia in order to strengthen its own negotiating positions in the confrontation with the United States: military cooperation with an emphasis on joint exercises, political cooperation based on anti-Americanism, economic cooperation with an eye to the risks of secondary sanctions. On the other hand, it is unacceptable for China to recognize the collapse of Ukraine, the inadmissibility of a direct military clash with the United States and the extreme undesirability of further aggravation of relations with the United States on the factor of Chinese friendship with Russia.
China will replace the global governance of the 21st century in 2050. The rise of China provide the Chinese development model to other developing countries. There are positive element and disability element in China's 'peaceful rise' strategy at the same time. Success of the reform and opening up, market liberalization, economic interdependency, economic globalization, stability of ruling power, consolidation of one-party rule and soft power increase are the promotions of peaceful rise. China's rise as a power nation begins by regaining the superpower status in East Asia. East Asia is a lebensraum assuring a continuing growth to China. For this lebensraum, China shows an interest in institutionalization of regional economic cooperation. The core values of ASEAN, namely the mutual respect, harmonious coexistence, co-prosperity, egalitarianism and pluralism are in conform to China's policy of harmonious world and peaceful coexistence. Through this common value the tension in East Asia will be alleviated. By the regional hegemony strategy based on soft power and economic success, China will try to regain the past glorious position. Attaining status as a coordinator of the world rule will be based on the success of the East Asian strategy. Korea and other neighboring countries will be the best beneficiary countries of the China's rise strategy. China's rising strategy will have a profound effect on neighboring countries especially, Korea. The scale of the movement of goods, labor, and capital between the two countries will become much larger than present. Through regional trade agreements, economic interdependency between Korea and China will increase.
The purpose of this study is to start from the recognition of the problem of why the sanctions of the international community could not indicate a great effect. In order to find answers to this question, this study focuses on China's aid to North Korea and analyzes the determinants of support for North Korea. Despite a tough international community's sanctions against North Korea, China has taken a dual stance on sanctions and support for North Korea. As for this dual attitude of China, this study approaches the internal and external situation of the support to the North with the rationale for the Two-level game theory. China's sanction against North Korea could be divided into two categories: external factors and domestic factors. These factors include strengthening supremacy in China, checking the US, playing a responsible role in China, securing resources in North Korea, sustaining stable growth in China, maintaining the legitimacy of China's socialist political system, and spreading the Beijing consensus. Based on the analysis of these factors, it could be expected that China's aid for North Korea will be official, informal, or continuous, and it will be difficult for the North to stop supporting North Korea or deteriorating North Korea- China relations.
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