• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.45-87
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• 2014

This study traces the possibility of political change in the Malaysian electoral history, especially by focusing on the 13th general election held in May 2013. The results of the 13th general election was another turning point in the history of Malaysia's electoral politics. Following after the 12th general election held in 2008, opposition coalition(PR) achieves a remarkable electoral result by obtaining over 50% of the total votes. Opposition parties also successfully collapsed the ruling coalition(BN)'s two-third majority in parliamentary. It was de-facto defeat of the ruling coalition and victory of the opposition coalition. More precisely, the 2013 election results show that the reformasi movement, which was active in 1998-99 period, are still alive and its impact on Malaysian electoral politics get stronger. Malaysia has long been considered as a typical electoral authoritarian regime since its independence in 1957. It is because that there has been negative relations between electoral politics and political change through out its electoral history. As shown in the most recent two general elections held in 2008 and 2013, however, Malaysia's hegemonic political system can be possibly changed through electoral politics. This article examines the detailed results of the series of post-reformarsi general elections(1999, 2004, 2008, 2013) and its political implications towards the nexus of electoral politics and political change under the electoral authoritarian regime in Malaysia.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.57-78
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• 2015

Southeast Asia has been a showcase for democratic transitions in the past 30 years. This paper proposes a conceptual lens for studying political shifts in the Southeast Asian region. The argumentative storyline follows two fundamental propositions about democratic transitions. My first proposition is that during democratic transitions, human phenomena arise on nested analytical layers namely the global arena, the state, prodemocracy movements, and individuals. Each layer is conventionally studied by international relations, political science, sociology, and psychology respectively. I propose a multidisciplinary lens that transverses all these analytical layers. A second proposition is that during political shifts, social conditions are historically-situated. Historicity is anchored on stages of democratization, namely the authoritarian regime, toppling the regime, power shift, state building, and nation building. This paper describes a 4 × 5 matrix (analytical layer × historical stage) that may guide a regional agenda on the empirical study of democratic transitions in the Southeast Asian region. It likewise gives examples of research findings in Philippine-based studies that have already begun to provide empirical data about segments of this research matrix.

• Archives of design research
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• v.19 no.5 s.67
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• pp.139-150
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• 2006

Over the past half the 20th century, Korea has been through the period of three dictatorial regimes. In each regime the orthodox problem was raised due to its undemocratic ruling. Nationalism in particular was perverted by the authoritarian regimes' exploitation of it as a form of cultural policy to control their people effectively. To emphasize it's ideology the government sought, selected and devised cultural heritage and defined it as the 'Korean cultural identity' or 'Koreaness'. Artists have produced works in the 'Korean style' focused on 'Koreaness' which had been prescribed by the government. These works were sewed as a propaganda and contributed to the reproduction of ideology. In addition to the 'Korean-style design' formed in this period, this case includes a wide range of environmental design, public construction, graphic design, public design, films, etc. The Korean-style design has been developed in accordance with each government's cultural policy with a little difference in content and form.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.23-41
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• 2010

In political science there is broad interest in whether a newly established democracy succeeds in overcoming the perils of democratisation and matures into a consolidated democracy or regresses to authoritarianism. Taiwan was under martial law for almost four decades. Democratic consolidation, therefore, is primarily a question of how to overcome the legacies of the former authoritarian regime. Nationalism and dysfunctional political institutions are some of the legacies that limit Taiwan's democratic development. The study of these destructive elements is important in the attempt to interpret Taiwan's most recent political history and to formulate effective democracy-building policies. In the following, I would like to address the aforementioned legacies and their implications for Taiwan's current and future democratic development.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.41 no.3
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• pp.5-27
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• 2010

The objective of this study is to examine the dicourse of East Asian Welfare Models and its applicability to explain the development of the Korean Welfare State(regime). The Confucianist Welfare State, representing East Asian Welfare Models has limitations in explaining the current features and dynamics of east asian welfare states. Compared to the western and northern european welfare states, the Welfare State(Regime) of Korea, one of the east asian countries show the clear differences in terms of its origin, the background of formulation, the orientation of the policy and the actors. Thus, a new approach to examine the East Asian Welfare Model is needed. As a theoretical framework, the origin and the growth of the Korean Welfare State(Regime) can be understood and explained in the boundary of concept and the theoretical framework of the Authoritative Developmental State; Historically, the democratization of the 1980s and the financial crisis of the end of 1990s in Korea contributed to the growth of the welfare policies and institutions in Korea. Japan, Taiwan and other east asian counties, such as Hong Kong and Singapore have many similarities with Korea in terms of welfare policies and institutions. Comparative studies of these countries can create significant and useful results to develop a new concept and model of East Asian Welfare States. Case studies and active academic exchanges among welfare state researchers in these east asian countries are very important to develop a new concept of East Asian Welfare State Models.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.213-261
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• 2018

On May 9, 2018, regime change took place in Malaysia. It was the first regime change that took place in 61 years after independence in 1957. The regime change was an unexpected result not only in Malaysian experts but also in political circles. Moreover, the outcome of the election was more shocking because the opposition party was divided in this general election. The regime change in Malaysia was enough to attract worldwide attention because it meant the collapse of the oldest regime in the modern political system that exists, except North Korea and China. How could this have happened? In particular, how could the regime change, which had not been accomplished despite opposition parties' cooperation for almost 20 years, could be achieved with the divided opposition forces? What political implications does the 2018 general election result have for political change and democratization in Malaysia? How will the Malaysian politics be developed in the aftermath of the regime change? It is worth noting that during the process of finding answers, a series of general elections since the start of reformasi in 1998 tended to be likened to a series of "tsunami" in the Malaysian electoral history. This phenomenon of tsunami means that, even though very few predicted the possibility of regime change among academia, civil society and political circles, the regime change was not sudden. In other words, the regime in 2018 was the result of the desire and expectation of political change through a series of elections of Malaysian voters last 20 years. In this context, this study, in analyzing the results of the election in 2018, shows that the activation of electoral politics triggered by the reform movement in 1998, along with the specific situational factors in 2018, could lead to collapse of the ruling government for the first time since independence.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.135-160
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• 2018

This study aims to predict the likely effect of economic sanctions on North Korea by examining case studies of Iran and Iraq. While UN sanctions against Iraq had immediate negative consequences for society, such as causing famine and reinforcing the authoritarian regime, sanctions against Iran had some productive consequences after they were reinforced by the U.S. and EU in significantly reduced oil exports and government expenditure, which in turn led to regime change and willingness to negotiate nuclear programs for economic recovery. Apart from these distinct differences, sanctions in both countries caused high inflation, shortage of necessary supplies, and increased unemployment. Case studies of Iran and Iraq also reveal that the sanctions disproportionately affected women and children, which implies that the recently reinforced economic sanctions of the U.S. and China against North Korea will cause more suffering of similarly socially marginalized groups in North Korea.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.28 no.5
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• pp.39-47
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• 2023

The purpose of this study is to examine the progress of negotiations between the two countries regarding the implementation of AFKN's satellite broadcasting on October 4, 1983, as well as the opposition of domestic public opinion, which emerged as an important variable in the negotiation process. Through this, it was intended to lay the foundation for the historical facts necessary to interpret the negotiation process between the two countries over the implementation of AFKN's satellite broadcasting in the context of world history of cultural globalization. As a research method, the historical literature research method was used, focusing on archive documents stored in diplomatic archives. The study revealed that public opinion's movement toward cultural imperialism under domestic political conditions, which had authoritarian control over the media, served as an accidental factor to help carry out the regime's interests of regime protection. Through these findings, this paper interpreted that AFKN-TV's satellite broadcasting, which was implemented under the U.S. Department of Defense plan without the prior consent of the Korean government, clearly shows that Korea has been "semi-forced" into the U.S.-led cultural globalization order.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.178-186
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• 2024

While in high-income countries the development of digital technology began in the 1970s, in low- and middle-income countries it began in the 1990s and even after 2005, due to the political regime that constrained economic development and innovation. At the same time, there are no studies of the relationship between technological development and structural changes through innovation in low- and middle-income countries. The article aims to quantify the relationship of the introduction of digital technologies on innovation, structural transformation of low- and middle-income economies. The industrial-agrarian economy of Uzbekistan with an authoritarian regime is in a state of transition to a market economy, while in Ukraine, there are active processes of Europeanization and integration into the EU. Ukraine's economy is commodity-based (the export of raw materials of industries and the agricultural sector in developed countries predominates) and industrial-agrarian. Digital technologies and the service sector are little developed in Uzbekistan. On the other hand, Ukraine has a more developed ICT sector. Uzbekistan is gradually undergoing an innovative and structural transformation of the economy: the productivity of the agricultural, industrial, and service sectors is growing, but the ICT sector is virtually undeveloped. In comparison, in Ukraine, there are no significant structural transformations due to a significant drop in productivity of the industrial sector, with stable growth of productivity of the agricultural sector due to technology and a slight increase in productivity of the service sector. It is revealed that Ukraine and Uzbekistan have undergone structural transformations of the economy in favor of the service sector, while the agricultural and industrial sectors produce less and less. If Uzbekistan remains the industrial-agrarian country with an aggregate share of the added value of these sectors 59% in 2019, Ukraine transits to the post-industrial type of economy where the added value of the service sector in GDP grows (55% compared to agrarian and industrial sectors at 42%).

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.5-58
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• 2019

The purpose of this article is to bring about 10.26 accident by providing a fuse for the overthrow of the Park Chung-hee administration in the 10.18 Buma uprising. So, first of all, this article has a main purpose in analyzing the comparison between Masan's 3.15 uprising and 10.18 Buma uprising. The purpose of the study is to compare the 3.15 democratic movement in Masan with the 10.18 Buma uprising, given that the incident laid the foundation for the dictator to be overthrown in the event of an anti-dictatorial movement in Masan. The research method of this article is intended to be used as a research method in the 3.15 and 10.18 protests, given that if a person in power conducts election fraud or suppresses anti-government movements in order to maintain the system, it could lead to the destruction of those in power. In the end, the Masan 3.15 uprising and 10.18 uprising failed to reach a direct attempt to overthrow the regime due to unfinished democratic movements, but with the revolution of 4.19 and the massive political transformation of 10.26 Accident, he achieved the leading role theory that allowed the Rhee Syngman and Park Chung-hee administrations. In eradicating authoritarian regimes, however, the historic significance of the democratization movement was that the authoritarian regime eventually brought about the collapse of the regime by making a hard-line stance on election schemes or popular protests over the trap of power boomerang, which causes the regime to collapse.