• Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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• v.21 no.3
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• pp.79-97
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• 2021

The public's interest in the information disclosure system is increasing daily in line with the democratic cause of a transparent government and demands of the people to build on their right to know. Meanwhile, as society develops, the importance of culture and art in the quality of life is also increasing. Under these circumstances, culture and arts institutions are seeking to contribute to the expansion of the people's participation by providing timely and useful information and programs with high interest. Accordingly, this study intends to propose customized information services by analyzing the user's needs for information on public institutions in culture and arts and reflecting on the information disclosure service. For this purpose, three public institutions of in the culture and arts will be selected as representative examples to collect and cross-analyze the list of disclosed information received by users over a year. Furthermore, the requirements for the automation and intelligence of information disclosure tasks were summarized, and specific improvement plans were proposed for customized information services.

• Publications of The Korean Astronomical Society
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• v.39 no.1
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• pp.1-12
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• 2024

In this study, we investigated the time signal devices of Deungnu (circa 1270) and Gungnu (1354), the water clocks produced during the Yuan Dynasty (1271-1368). These clocks influenced Heumgyeonggaknu (1438) of the Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910), exemplifying the automatic water clocks of the Yuan Dynasty. Deungnu, Gungnu, and Heumgyeonggaknu can be considered as automatic mechanical clocks capable of performances. The Jega-Yeoksang-Jip (Collection of Calendrical and Astronomical Theories of Various Chinese Masters) contains records of Deungnu extracted from the History of the Yuan Dynasty. We interpreted these records and analyzed reproduction models and technical data previously produced in China. The time signal device of Deungnu featured a four-story structure, with the top floor displaying the four divine constellations, the third floor showcasing models of these divinities, the second floor holding 12-h jacks and a 100-Mark ring, and the first floor with four musicians and a 100-Mark Time-Signal Puppet providing a variety of visual attractions. We developed a 3D model of Deungnu, proposing two possible mechanical devices to ensure that the Time-Signal Puppet simultaneously pointed to the 100-Mark graduations in the east, west, south, and north windows: one model reduced the rotation ratio of the 100-Mark ring to 1/4, whereas the other model maintained the rotation ratio using four separate 100-Mark rings. The power system of Deungnu was influenced by Suunuisangdae (the water-driven astronomical clock tower) of the Northern Song Dynasty (960-1127); this method was also applied to Heumgyeonggaknu in the Joseon Dynasty. In conclusion, these automatic water clocks of East Asia from the 13th to 15th centuries symbolized creativity and excellence, representing scientific devices that were the epitome of clock-making technology in their times.

• Proceedings of the Korean Institute of IIIuminating and Electrical Installation Engineers Conference
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• 2009.10a
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• pp.93-97
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• 2009

Focusing on major event halls in Chung-cheong province, data of events including actual condition of management and state of facilities, accomplishment of performance help us to figure out the problems of local culture events and make concrete plans for development of local culture. Through the facilities and actual result of the performance, records of accidents, including dancing, which could happened in stage allow us to protect performer from an unpleasant matter in advance. Because it is considered to be helpful to make some developments of the art of stage and local culture, we take decisive action with mutual comparison. The purpose of this treatise is to suggest alternative method to develop culture and art events in Chung-cheong province by analyzing the president condition of management.

• Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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• v.18 no.3
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• pp.31-38
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• 2012

Jo Taek-seung(曺澤承, 1841-1907), who devoted himself to medical science mostly living in Haenam, and his son Jo Byeong-hu(曺秉侯, 1869-?) are significant in the history of Korean oriental medicine. The medical science of Jo Taek-seung appointed as Jusa(主事) of Hyeminwon(惠民院) in 1902 was handed down to his only son Jo Byeong-hu, who succeeded to his father's medicine and polished up the medicine, and recorded the results "Sanghangyeongheombangyochwal(傷寒經驗方要撮)" in 1933. Jo Taek-seung's portrait has been handed down to Jo Taek-seung's descendents' house in Munane-ri, Haeman. Not only does Jo Taek-seung's portraits well present the features of portrait mode of Joseon Dynasty period in the 19th century in their front view, exposure of two hands, expressive mode, background articles, etc, but also praises, poems, etc. giving information on manufacture intent, etc. to give prominence to the authors recorded by Jo Taek-seung, time of manufacture and position of medical official appears in one screen. In this paper, through disaster-removing poetic sentence showed in Jo Taek-seun'sg portraits, it was found that the author of the portrait is Choi Byeong-uk who worked mostly staying in Seoul and the present portrait was the one re-painted in 1907 by revising the portrait painted in 1894 when Jo Taek-seung was 54 years old, after Jo Taek-seung died. With regard to revised portion, presuming through records on the picture and comparative analysis of mode with portraits of doctors in the 20th century, it seems that the clothing of Confucian scholars in the first version was revised into the clothing of medical officials showing the position of Jo Taek-seung who took office as Jusa of Hyeminwon at the time of re-painting the portrait. Jo Taek-seung's portrait not only becomes important materials in the oriental medicine and historical world in the aspect of manufacture process, mode, etc. of Korean portraits including an aspect of medical official's portraits, but has significant meaning from the aspect of fine art history or clothing history.

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.29-59
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• 2019

As 'a total social fact,' drinks and drinking may serve as a lens through which we can view a distant society. Although not frequently discussed, drinking vessels serve the same function for accessing a past world hidden or forgotten behind written records. The present article is an art history attempt to seek a cultural link between liquor vessels used in medieval Korea and the political and social change of the period. The Goryeo period (918-1392) saw an unprecedented abundance of drinking vessels in various forms and decorations. Goryeo artisans and craftsmen produced ewers, pitchers, flasks, bottles, and others in addition to the pre-existing shapes of vessels mainly consisting of jars and bowls. I argue that this sudden burst of creativity during the Goryeo period was closely related to Goryeo's constant and diverse contacts with foreign powers. Their zone of international connections was not confined to the Chinese world, as we have commonly presumed. Even before the Mongol intervention, Goryeo was in contact with regions beyond East Asia through the northern nomadic states. Khitan Liao was recorded as having worked as a kind of international intermediary to link the Chinese and Islamic worlds. This medieval global culture became a norm in Goryeo society when it became an important part of the Mongol Empire. These nomadic powers brought global trends to Goryeo, and foreign drinks were among them; kumis, araq, and grape wines are just three cases of them discussed in this article. The change of alcoholic drinks led to, or was accompanied by, a new range of drinking vessels. Three types of ewers, familiar to East Asian consumers but foreign in their origin, are discussed in the main text to highlight such social change. Three more cases of drinking cups are also presented. The article shows that medieval Korean society was far more open to international art and culture than our usual understanding, and in their drinking vessels, Goryeo culture embraced global trends reaching China, the Islamic world and Europe.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.1-13
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• 2001

Beginning in the Wei-Chin and Liu Ch´ao era(AD. 220-589), an awareness of natural beauty emerged as the major interest of scholars which created such a social atmosphere that served as the foundation of prosperous Chinese art. During the T´ang period, the desire to achieve natural beauty began to dominate every field of art including gardening. This study covers the T´ang period when scholars began to be conscious of aesthetics. The main objective of this study is to examine the significance of natural beauty as interpreted by Wangwei, an artist representative of the period, and of Wangchuan Villa in relation to aspects of garden theory. This study is mainly based on Wangwei´s anthology, landscape painting describing Wangchuan Villa, and historical records related to the Villa. The summary of conclusions of this study is as follows: 1) Wangwei´s concept of natural beauty is a combination of objective natural beauty and pastoral beauty, which stresses the essential beauty of nature. Moreover, he considered nature as a religious Utopia. 2)Wangchuan Villa, where Wangwei stayed until his death, was a place of seclusion representing his idea of natural beauty. There, he was able to realize the paradise of Buddhism full of zen aspirations. 3)From the perspective of garden theory, Wangchuan Villa can be classified as a suburb villa in terms of location, as a landscape garden in terms of elements, and as a villa based on a typical private land system in terms of forms. In addition, it may be considered as a garden that laid the foundation to realize a field of non-visible image and non-visible landscape, which is fundamental element of scholarly garden design.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.10 no.6
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• pp.633-647
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• 2002

The purpose of this study is to observe the symbolic meaning and the values of the costume which express bisexuality through the definition from a culture point of view. The research method is to contemplate the documentary records such as world history, art history and clothing history, and to recognize the symbolic meaning of a bisexuality in modern fashion design. A definition the word´man and woman´restricted the human being for a long time. This restrict is enforced by the costume, but this traditional fixed idea is retarded by the liberal sense of the human being and the design expresses a sex ambiguity This study inspects the sex ambiguity and the meaning of that through a cultural background and a historical costume. The results are as follows: The first, the cultural background about bisexuality is classified into the etymological point, the mythologic point. the art and philosophical point, the political and economic background, the mass media, and the custome and the regulation. A bisexuality is a concept in existence from ancient times. we have an open-minded attitude about bisexuality in the present than the past. The second, the function of costume is sex classification before 20th century, but since 20th century the costume expresses sex ambiguity. The third, the symbols of the bisexuality are the interminacy, the unity and the dismantling. The costume which expresses bisexuality means coexistence of male sex and female sex. this is a kind of motion to embody a ideal body of the human being. This study makes a contribution to recognize the dignity of human body and to understand the phenomenon of modern society.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.201-221
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• 2009

This paper is a historical study on mime or pantomime in the chinese theater. What is the origin of chinese mime? This is a very difficult question to answer. But I thought its early model can be found in actions of ancient actors who are believed to precede any genre of theater and actually I could found a very significant proof in historical records which have been ignored generally. It is an episode of Youmeng(優孟) in Chu(楚) dynasty. According to this episode, the history of chinese mime has lasted at least over 2600 years. In my opinion, chinese mime had been organized in ritual genre in early theater and its development had been mostly based on the jiaosehangdang-system(脚色行當制). Most chengshi-movements(程式動作) of zuo(做) and da(打) have been organized in recent several centuries. But a further study on them shows us that the real origin of them is the ancient dance wu(舞). Afterwards the wu(舞) separated into two types of dance the so-called wenwu(文舞) and wuwu(武舞). So we can say that wenwu(文舞) and wuwu(武舞) had a direct influence on most chengshi-movements(程式動作) of zuo(做) and da(打).

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.173-214
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• 2017

This study examines and compares music-related records in the mubo (舞譜; choreography notes) written by Sung Gyeonglin (成慶麟, 1911 - 2008), based on the records of 11 kinds of jeongjae (the music and dance performances at the royal court) found in Lee Byungseong's (李丙星, 1909 - 1960) Changsa and Jungjaecheol (呈才及唱詞綴). Even though these records are personal, they provide valuable information about the mubo of the Iwangjikaakbu (the Royal Music Institute) during the period of Japanese colonization. The eleven kinds types of jeongjae-'Cheoyongmu (處容舞)', 'Hyangryungmu (響鈴舞)', 'Mugo (舞鼓)', 'Bosangmu (寶相舞)', 'Chunangjeon (春鶯?)', 'Gainjeonmokdan (佳人剪牧丹)', 'Suyeonjang (壽延長)', 'Mansumu (萬壽舞)', 'Bongraeeui (鳳來儀)', 'Jangsaengboyeonjimu (長生寶宴之舞)', and 'Musanhyang (舞山香)'-can be largely divided into two types: Dangak (Tang dynasty music) and 'Hyangak (traditional Korean music).' The former is distinguished musically by whether or not the jukganja appears. For the appearance of the jukganja in 'Sujeyongjang', 'Bongraeeui' and 'Jangsaengboyeongjimu', the 'boheojaryung (步虛子令)' was used and given the impressive name of jangchunbullojigok (長春不老之曲).' The term punggyungjigok (豊慶之曲)' was used for music that guides a group dance and dancers. For the latter, hamnyungjigok (咸寧之曲) was performed during the development of the dance, and the pungungyeonghoijigok (風雲慶會之曲) was played at the end of the piece. As for the accompaniment for the jeongjae performed by the Iwangjikaakbu, it is significant that various elaborate names were attached to Sangryungsan, Jungryungsan, Seryungsanm, Garakdeoli, Samhyunhwanip, Yeombulhwanip, and taryung (the traditional Korean ballad), which were all parts of 'Samhyunyoungsanhoesang (靈山會上).' Specifically, the 'Hyangdanggyoju (鄕唐交奏)' in 'Jeongjaemudoholgi' was accompanied by various melodies of the 'Samhyunyoungsanhoesang', which were given extravagant names. These are the personal records of the Iwangjikaakbu mubo that were retained by Lee Honggu (李興九, b. 1940), who owns the 'Hakyeonhwadaehapseolmu.' Among them, the ten kinds of jeongjae found in the notes of Sung Gyeonglin are often referred to as 'mueui (舞儀)' and widely used for research on individual jeongjae performances and the history of their development. The notes of Lee Byungseong have not been investigated thoroughly until now and this is the first study that provides a comparative analysis of the notes of Lee Byungseong and Sung Gyeonglin. This investigation is expected to contribute to the further research and knowledge of the jeongjae performance during the period of Japanese colonization.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.263-297
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• 2010

The relics of the Southeast Asian civilizations in the first phase are found with the relics from India, China, and even further West of Persia and Rome. These relics are the historic marks of the ancient interactions of various continents, mainly through the maritime trade. The traces of the indic culture, which appears in the historic age, are represented in the textual records and arts, regarded as the essence of the India itself. The ancient Hindu arts found in various locations of Southeast Asia were thought to be transplanted directly from India. However, Neither did the Gupta Hindu Art of India form the mainstream of the Gupta Art, nor did it play an influential role in the adjacent areas. The Indian culture was transmitted to Southeast Asia rather intermittently than consistently. If we thoroughly compare the early Hindu art of India and that of Southeast Asia, we can find that the latter was influenced by the former, but still sustained Southeast Asian originality. The reason that the earliest Southeast Asian Hindu art is discovered mostly in continental Southeast Asia is resulted from the fact that the earliest networks between India and the region were constructed in this region. Among the images of Hindu gods produced before the 7th century are Shiva, Vishnu, Harihara, and Skanda(the son of Shiva), and Ganesha(the god of wealth). The earliest example of Vishnu was sculpted according to the Kushan style. After that, most of the sculptures came to have robust figures and graceful proportions. There are a small number of images of Ganesha and Skanda. These images strictly follow the iconography of the Indian sculpture. This shows that Southeast Asians chose their own Hindu gods from the Hindu pantheon selectively and devoted their faiths to them. Their basic iconography obediently followed the Indian model, but they tried to transform parts of the images within the Southeast Asian contexts. However, it is very difficult to understand the process of the development of the Hindu faith and its contents in the ancient Southeast Asia. It is because there are very few undamaged Hindu temples left in Southeast Asia. It is also difficult to make sure that the Hindu religion of India, which was based on the complex rituals and the caste system, was transplanted to Southeast Asia, because there were no such strong basis of social structure and religion in the region. "Indianization" is an organized expansion of the Indian culture based on the sense of belonging to an Indian context. This can be defined through the process of transmission and progress of the Hindu or Buddhist religions, legends about purana, and the influx of various epic expression and its development. Such conditions are represented through the Sanskrit language and the art. It is the element of the Indian culture to fabricate an image of god as a devotional object. However, if we look into details of the iconography, style, and religious culture, these can be understood as a "selective reception of foreign religious culture." There were no sophisticated social structure yet to support the Indian culture to continue in Southeast Asia around the 7th century. Whether this phenomena was an "Indianization" or the "influx of elements of Indian culture," it was closely related to the matter of 'localization.' The regional character of each local region in Southeast Asia is partially shown after the 8th century. However it is not clear whether this culture was settled in each region as its dominant culture. The localization of the Indian culture in Southeast Asia which acted as a network connecting ports or cities was a part of the process of localization of Indian culture in pan-Southeast Asian region, and the process of the building of the basis for establishing an identity for each Southeast Asian region.