• Title/Summary/Keyword: Arms Race

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A Study on Protecting Privacy of Machine Learning Models

  • Lee, Younghan;Han, Woorim;Cho, Yungi;Kim, Hyunjun;Paek, Yunheung
    • Proceedings of the Korea Information Processing Society Conference
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    • 2021.11a
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    • pp.61-63
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    • 2021
  • Machine learning model gained the popularity in recent years as multi-national companies have incorporated machine learning in their services. Such service is called machine learning as a service (MLaSS). Such services are provided to users based on charge-per-query which triggers the motivations for adversaries to steal the trained victim model to reduce the cost of using the service. Therefore, it is important for companies that provide MLaSS to protect their intellectual property (IP) against adversaries. It has been arms race between the attack and defence in a context of the privacy of machine learning models. In this paper, we provide a comprehensive study of recent development in protecting privacy of machine learning models.

EU's Space Code of Conduct: Right Step Forward (EU의 우주행동강령의 의미와 평가)

  • Park, Won-Hwa
    • The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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    • v.27 no.2
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    • pp.211-241
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    • 2012
  • The Draft International Code of Conduct for Outer Space Activities officially proposed by the European Union on the occasion of the 55th Session of the United Nations Peaceful Uses of the Outer Space last June 2012 in Vienna, Austria is to fill the lacunae of the relevant norms to be applied to the human activities in the outer space and thus has the merit our attention. The missing elements of the norms span from the prohibition of an arms race, safety and security of the space objects including the measures to reduce the space debris to the exchange of information of space activities among space-faring nations. The EU's initiatives, when implemented, cover or will eventually prepare for the forum to deal with such issues of interests of the international community. The EU's initiatives begun at the end of 2008 included the unofficial contacts with major space powers including in particular the USA of which position is believed to have been reflected in the Draft with the aim to have it adopted in 2013. Although the Code is made up of soft law rather than hard law for the subscribing countries, the USA seems to be afraid of the eventuality whereby its strategic advantages in the outer space will be affected by the prohibiting norms, possibly to be pursued by the Code from its current non-binding character, of placing weapons in the outer space. It is with this trepidation that the USA has been opposing to the adoption of the United Nations Assembly Resolutions on the prevention of an arms race in the outer space (PAROS) and in the same context to the setting-up of a working group on the arms race in the outer space in the frame of the Conference on Disarmament. China and Russia who together put forward a draft Treaty on Prevention of the Placement of Weapons in Outer Space and of the Threat or Use of Force against Outer Space Objects (PPWT) in 2008 would not feel comfortable either because the EU initiatives will steal the lime light. Consequently their reactions are understandably passive towards the Draft Code while the reaction of the USA to the PPWT was a clear cut "No". With the above background, the future of the EU Code is uncertain. Nevertheless, the purpose of the Code to reduce the space debris, to allow exchange of the information on the space activities, and to protect the space objects through safety and security, all to maximize the principle of the peaceful use and exploration of the outer space is the laudable efforts on the part of EU. When the detailed negotiations will be held, some problems including the cost to be incurred by setting up an office for the clerical works could be discussed for both efficient and economic mechanism. For example, the new clerical works envisaged in the Draft Code could be discharged by the current UN OOSA (Office for Outer Space Affairs) with minimal additional resources. The EU's initiatives are another meaningful contribution following one due to it in adopting the Kyoto Protocol of 1997 to the UNFCCC (UN Framework Convention on the Climate Change) and deserve the praise from the thoughtful international community.

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Analysis of Rice Blast Infection and Resistance-inducing Mechanisms via Effectors Secreted from Magnaporthe oryzae

  • Saitoh, Hiromasa;H, Kanzaki;K, Fujisaki;R, Terauchi
    • 한국균학회소식:학술대회논문집
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    • 2015.05a
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    • pp.61-61
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    • 2015
  • Rice blast, caused by the fungal pathogen Magnaporthe oryzae, is one of the most destructive diseases of rice worldwide. The rice - M. oryzae pathosystem has become a model in the study of plant - fungal interactions due to its economic importance and accumulating knowledge. During the evolutionary arms race with M. oryzae, rice plants evolved a repertoire of Resistance (R) genes to protect themselves from diseases in a gene-for-gene fashion. M. oryzae secretes a battery of small effector proteins to manipulate host functions for its successful infection, and some of them are recognized by host R proteins as avirulence effectors (AVR), which turns on strong immunity. Therefore, the analysis of interactions between AVRs and their cognate R proteins provide crucial insights into the molecular basis of plant - fungal interactions. Rice blast resistance genes Pik, Pia, Pii comprise pairs of protein-coding ORFs, Pik-1 and Pik-2, RGA4 and RGA5, Pii-1 and Pii-2, respectively. In all three cases, the paired genes are tightly linked and oriented to the opposite directions. In the AVR-Pik/Pik interaction, it has been unraveled that AVR-Pik binds to the N-terminal coiled-coil domain of Pik-1. RGA4 and RGA5 are necessary and sufficient to mediate Pia resistance and recognize the M. oryzae effectors AVR-Pia and AVR1-CO39. A domain at the C-terminus of RGA5 characterized by a heavy metal associated domain was identified as the AVR-binding domain of RGA5. Similarly, physical interactions among Pii-1, Pii-2 and AVR-Pii are being analyzed.

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An Analysis of the US 3rd Offset Strategy (미국의 제3차 국방과학기술 상쇄전략에 대한 분석)

  • Kim, Jong Ryul
    • Convergence Security Journal
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    • v.16 no.3_1
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    • pp.27-35
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    • 2016
  • This thesis analyzes the backgrounds of the third offset strategy of the US Department of Defense. The key technology areas to be developed and the implications of the 3rd strategy are also examined. The potential great powers, China and Russia have catched up with US in the certain areas of military technologies. The technological superiority of US military is found to have been eroded. The US DOD needs a new defense policy called the 3rd offset strategy to meet this new challenge. The 5 basic technology areas were identified; learning machines, human-machine collaboration, machine-assisted human operations, human-machine combat teaming, and autonomous weapons. The 3rd offset strategy should be managed not to move to the new arms race with rivalries. The defense acquisition system also needs to be improved for the smooth flow of the advanced commercial technologies to the defense sector. Korea needs to figure out the possible technologies of co-research and development with US.

Symptom Experiences and Coping Strategies among Multi-ethnic Solid Tumor Patients Undergoing Chemotherapy in Malaysia

  • Yahaya, Nor Aziyan;Subramanian, Pathmawathi;Bustam, Anita Zarina;Taib, Nur Aishah
    • Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention
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    • v.16 no.2
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    • pp.723-730
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    • 2015
  • Background: This study was performed to assess patient symptoms prevalence, frequency and severity, as well as distress and coping strategies used, and to identify the relationships between coping strategies and psychological and physical symptoms distress and demographic data of cancer patients. This cross-sectional descriptive study involved a total of 268 cancer patients with various types of cancer and chemotherapy identified in the oncology unit of an urban tertiary hospital. Materials and Methods: Data were collected using questionnaires (demographic questionnaire, Medical characteristics, Memorial Symptom Assessment Scale (MSAS) and Brief COPE scales and analyzed for demographic, and disease-related variable effects on symptom prevalence, severity, distress and coping strategies. Results: Symptom prevalence was relatively high and ranged from 14.9% for swelling of arms and legs to 88.1% for lack of energy. This latter was the highest rated symptom in the study. The level of distress was found to be low in three domains. Problem-focused coping strategies were found to be more commonly employed compared to emotion-focused strategies, demonstrating significant associations with sex, age group, educational levels and race. However, there was a positive correlation between emotion-focused strategies and physical and psychological distress, indicating that patients would choose emotion-focused strategies when symptom distress increased. Conclusions: These findings demonstrate that high symptom prevalence rates and coping strategies used render an improvement in current nursing management. Therefore development of symptoms management groups, encouraging the use of self-care diaries and enhancing the quality of psychooncology services provided are to be recommended.

The Arms Race on the Road: Exploring Factors of SUVs' Popularity by LDA Topic Model (도로 위의 군비경쟁: LDA 토픽모델을 활용한 SUV의 인기 요인 탐구)

  • Jeon, Seung-Bong;Goh, Taekyeong
    • Journal of Digital Convergence
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    • v.18 no.10
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    • pp.239-252
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    • 2020
  • By using text mining, we explore the factors responsible for an increase in SUV preference. We collected 32,679 posts related to SUVs from "Bobaedream," the largest online automobile community in South Korea, and applied the LDA topic model. While previous studies have explained the SUV boom as an individual's risk aversion strategy from crime, the result shows that the topic of 'Safety' appears to be an important factor in the SUV discourse in the context of a car accident and high-speed driving situation. To conclude, the consumption of SUVs in Korean society serves as a mean to prevent anxiety and danger to individuals when driving. We insist that decreasing social trust, caused by an increase in inequality, underlies the perception of risk on the road.

A Review of Use of Outer Space for Military Purposes From an International Law Perspective (우주의 군사적 이용에 관한 국제법적 검토 - 우주법의 점진적인 발전을 중심으로 -)

  • Jung, Yung-Jin
    • The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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    • v.30 no.1
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    • pp.303-325
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    • 2015
  • The latest slogan put forth by the international space community is the safety, security, and sustainability of outer space activities. The security of outer space activities, in particular, would be defined as the secure state from space-based threats. The latter comprises passive threats (such as collision with other satellites and space debris) and aggressive threats (such as electromagnetic interference, arms race on the earth or in outer space, and military attacks). Has outer space been used for military purposes in practice? If so, does international law regulate the military space activities it? The use of outer space for military purposes is referred to as space militarization and space weaponisation. Satellites has been used in Gulf War, Kosovo War, and Afghan War, recently, and research and development on space weapons are under way. Since only the placement of weapons of mass destruction on orbit around the earth is prohibited in accordance with 1967 Outer Space Treaty, it may be asked whether other weapons may be placed on orbit. It will be necessary to analyze the stance of on the above question, by studying UN space-related treaties including UN Charter. New international space norms represented by PPWT, ICoC, and UN GGE Report are at the center of progressive development of international law. In conclusion, the author will signpost the various points on international norms to be codified on the use of outer space for military purposes.

Trend of Space Development and Issue (우주개발동향과 주요 이슈)

  • Cho, Hong-Je;Shin, Yong-Do
    • The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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    • v.29 no.1
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    • pp.97-126
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    • 2014
  • October 4, 1957 the Soviet Sputnik 1 was launched into space the first time in the history of mankind. After launching, the realm of humankind was expanded to space. Today all countries of the world wage a fierce competition in order to utilize space for various purposes. World powers of space such as United States, Russia, China, and Japan, put reconnaissance satellites and ocean surveillance satellites into orbit, being able to easily see equipment and troops movement on earth. Each country makes efforts to occupy space assets through the militarization of space and expand national interests. Recently private companies or individuals involved in commercial space activities are becoming more prevalent. Thus, in addition to space activities for military purposes, commercial space activities become widespread. Individuals and private companies as well as nations are also involved in space activities. Outer space is not the monopoly of space powers such as the United States and Russia. The whole human race can benefit from free access to space, being the common heritage of mankind. In particular, outer space becomes an indispensable element of military activities and human life. Many countries are now entering space development, putting a lot of budget into new development programs. Republic of Korea also built the Narodo Space Center, starting its space development with budget and manpower. We have to find out ways to use space not only for military purposes but also for commercial space activities that can contribute to the national economy. In addition, through the joint efforts of the international community, we have to make efforts for preservation and peaceful use of space. Various issues relating to space activities and research should be studies in order to contribute to the progress of humanity. Those issues include the definition of outer space, space debris reduction and environmental conservation issues, non-bind measure cooperation - European International Code of Conduct, space law and national legislation related empowerment issues, arms control measures in space, and restrictions on the use of nuclear fuel. We also need to be involved in the discussion of those issues as one of responsible space countries. In addition, we try to find out regional cooperation schemes such as the ESA in the Europe actively. Currently in the Northeast Asia, cooperation bodies led by Japan and China respectively, are operated in the confrontational way. To avoid such confrontation, a new cooperative body needs to be established for cooperation on space exploration and information. The system to allow the exchange of satellite information for early warning of natural disasters needs to be built as well. In addition, efforts to enhance the effectiveness of the relevant international treaties on space, and fill in the blanks in international space laws should be made at the same time. To this end, we have to do a leading role in the establishment of standards such as non-binding measures (resolution) - Code of Conduct, being discussed in the UN and other organizations, and compliance with those standards. Courses in aerospace should be requires in law schools and educational institutes, and professional manpower need to be nurtured. In addition, the space-related technology and policy needs to be jointly studied among the private, public, and military groups, and the cross exchange among them should be encouraged.

The appropriate amount of Defense budget for stabilizing National security in Northeast Asia (동북아지역의 안보균형을 위한 적정수준 국방비 분석에 관한 연구)

  • Lee, Wol-Hyeong;Kim, Hyung Jae
    • International Area Studies Review
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    • v.20 no.1
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    • pp.277-295
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    • 2016
  • It is undoubtedly true that national security in Korean peninsula is on the road to destabilization. The main factors are known to be North Korea's development and experiment on nuclear arms, especially the forth nuclear experiment on January 6th, ICBM launch February 7th, and encroachment upon the territory the NLL on the 8th along with the shutdown on Gaeseong Industrial Complex. Also, China's trouble with other nations over sovereignty over islands in the South China Sea and the fact that Japan's government is veering to the right side and having territorial dispute are making the case worse. Nations in Northeast Asia are striving to obtain the interest for the sake of their own country. In order to do so, they're walking the path to achieve national security. Until then, they are not so willing to participate foreign matters or economical race. Even in our perspective, these issues are many of the main problems which our country is currently facing. However, it is important for them to avoid making policies which may take away the citizen's happiness. The number one priority for the nation or any form of a group is to act in the best interest for the national security and the citizen's happiness. They are the main factors why a nation could exist. They are the symbols of a nation's sovereign authority. Countries outside are proving it by increasing their national defense budget even in this unprecedented economical crisis. If we are willing to stay the same as ever, the disparity in the military force will not be the same in the future. In conclusion, the study examines the problem which changes in Northeast Asia's defense environment could bring and the appropriate amount of national defense budget in order to support the nation's integration of its abilities to move toward South and North Korea's unification.

Comparison of 'Militarism' and 'Normal state' through the Concept of Regional Hegemony: Focus on Imperial Japan before and after the Navy Disarmament Treaty and Modern Japan after Abe Shinzo's 2nd Cabinet (지역 패권 개념을 통한 '군국주의'와 '보통국가' 비교: 해군 군축조약 전·후 일본제국과 아베 2기 내각 이후 현대 일본의 사례를 중심으로)

  • Kim, Dong-eun
    • Maritime Security
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    • v.1 no.1
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    • pp.1-30
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    • 2020
  • The study started with the question, "Is Japan's normalization of nationalization a return to militarism?" Therefore, in order to analyze this, the characteristics of the international system after the inauguration of the Japanese Empire during World War I and World War II and the Abe's 2nd Cabinet in contemporary Japan were compared. Through this, there were some differences in the characteristics of the international system of the two periods, and as a result, it was intended to derive the differences between the two examples. During the prewar period of World War I, the militaristic Japanese Empire suffered great damage from the national pride of being the only power in Asia through the Paris Enhancement Conference, the Washington Navy Treaty, and the London Navy Treaty. However, the Western powers with colonies in Asia still existed in the region, so it was not possible to turn them into immediate power expansion. Meanwhile, World War II broke out in Europe. As a result, the Western powers had to focus on the whole of Europe, and the militaristic Japanese empire became a regional hegemony without missing the international system characteristic of "the hegemony." Unlike in the past militarism, Japan's case of pursuing common nationalization since 2012 has been carried out in the order of Northeast Asia in the composition of the "cold war" new cold war. In particular, Japan is attempting to transform itself into a normal state to strengthen the US-Japan alliance on a self-reliant level due to the lack of quantitative military power compared to the neighboring countries.

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