• Applied Biological Chemistry
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.1-30
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• 1974

Present study was undertaken to elucidate the relationship between uptake of nutrients and photosynthetic activities, and the translocation of several mineral nutrients in rice plants which were grown under different cultural conditions, utilizing radioactive tracer technique. Particular emphasis was placed on the analysis of patterns of nutrient uptake, the relationship between nutritional conditions and yield components. For this, rice plants grown on either low or high yielding fields at different growth stage were subjected to this study. The results are summarized as follows; 1. Varietal difference was observed in the uptake of potassium and phosphorus. Kusabue and Jinheung had good capacity but Paldal had rather poor capacity for the uptake of the both nutrients. 2. For rice plants, a high positive correlation was found between the oxidation of alpha plaus-naphthylamine by root and uptake of phosphorus. 3. Carbon assimilation rate repended on rice varieties. It was high in Noindo, Gutaenajuok #3 Suweon #82 and Jinheung but low in Taegujo, Kwanok, Yugu #132 etc. 4. Heavy application of nitrogen increased carbon assimilation in rice plants but this also depressed translocation of certain carbohydrates to ears. 5. Carbon assimilation wan greatly hampered in rice plants deficient in magnesium, phosphorus or potassium. 6. Total dry matter after ear formation stage, was much higher in rice plants grown in high yielding fields than those grown in low yielding fields. 7. Leaf area index(LAI) reached maximum at heading stage and decreased thereafter in high yielding fields. But in low yielding fields, it reached maximum before heading and sharply decreased thereafter due to early senescence of lower leaves. 8. In general, light transmission ratio (LTR) of leaves was higher in the early growth stage and lower in later stages. Higher ratio of LTR to leaf area index, was found in the rice grown in high yielding fields than those in low yielding fields. 9. Net photosynthetic activity decreased with the increase in leaf area index but was higher in high yielding fields than in low yielding fields. 10. After the ear formation stage, nitrogen, potassium and silicon as weil as $K_2O/N$ in straw were higher in high yielding fields than those in low yielding fields. 11. Nitrogen, phosphorus, potassium and magnesium taken up by rice plants in low yielding fields before heading stage were readily translocated to ears than those in high yielding fields. This suggests greater redistribution of nutrients in straw occurs due to lower uptake, in later growth stages, by rice plants grown in low yielding fields and hence results in early senescence due to nutrient deprivation. 12. In the high yielding fields nitrogen uptake by rice was slow but continuous throughout the life of the plants resulting in a large uptake even after heading. But, in low yielding fields the uptake was fast before heading and slow after heading. 13. A high positive correlation was found between the contents of nitrogen and potassium in the straw at heading stage and grain yield. Positive correlation was also found to hold between the contents of potassium, silicon, $K_2O/N$, $SiO_2/N$ in the straw at harvesting stage, and grain yield. 14. Carbon assimilation was greately hampered in rice plants deficient in magensium, phosphorus or potassium. 15. Uptake of nitrogen, phosphorus, potassium, silicon and manganese by rice was considerably higher in high yielding fields and reached maximum at ear formation stage. 16. In rice, a high positive correlation was discovered between total uptake of nitrogen, phosphorus, potassium, calcium, magnesium, silicon, manganese at harvesting stage and grain yield. 17. In rice, a high positive correlation was found between the total uptake of nitrogen, phosphorus, potassium, calcium, magnesium, silicon at harvesting stage, and number of spikelets per $3.3\;m^2$. In addition, a correlation was found between the total uptake of nitrogen and potassium and number of panicles per hill.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.103-134
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• 1977

The physiological and biochemical role of potassium for upland crops according to recent research reports and the nutritional status of potassium in Korea were reviewed. Since physical and chemical characteristics of potassium ion are different from those of sodium, potassium can not completely be replaced by sodium and replacement must be limited to minimum possible functional area. Specific roles of potassium seem to keep fine structure of biological membranes such as thylacoid membrane of chloroplast in the most efficient form and to be allosteric effector and conformation controller of various enzymes principally in carbohydrate and protein metabolism. Potassium is essential to improve the efficiency of phoro- and oxidative- phosphorylation and involve deeply in all energy required metabolisms especially synthesis of organic matter and their translocation. Potassium has many important, physiological functions such as maintenance of osmotic pressure and optimum hydration of cell colloids, consequently uptake and translocation of water resulting in higher water use efficiency and of better subcellular environment for various physiological and biochemical activities. Potassium affects uptake and translocation of mineral nutrients and quality of products. potassium itself in products may become a quality criteria due to potassium essentiality for human beings. Potassium uptake is greatly decreased by low temperature and controlled by unknown feed back mechanism of potassium in plants. Thus the luxury absorption should be reconsidered. Total potassium content of upland soil in Korea is about 3% but the exchangeable one is about 0.3 me/100g soil. All upland crops require much potassium probably due to freezing and cold weather and also due to wet damage and drought caused by uneven rainfall pattern. In barley, potassium should be high at just before freezing and just after thawing and move into grain from heading for higher yield. Use efficiency of potassium was 27% for barley and 58% in old uplands, 46% in newly opened hilly lands for soybean. Soybean plant showed potassium deficiency symptom in various fields especially in newly opened hilly lands. Potassium criteria for normal growth appear 2% $K_2O$ and 1.0 K/(Ca+Mg) (content ratio) at flower bud initiation stage for soybean. Potassium requirement in plant was high in carrot, egg plant, chinese cabbage, red pepper, raddish and tomato. Potassium content in leaves was significantly correlated with yield in chinese cabbage. Sweet potato. greatly absorbed potassium subsequently affected potassium nutrition of the following crop. In the case of potassium deficiency, root showed the greatest difference in potassium content from that of normal indicating that deficiency damages root first. Potatoes and corn showed much higher potassium content in comparison with calcium and magnesium. Forage crops from ranges showed relatively high potassium content which was significantly and positively correlated with nitrogen, phosphorus and calcium content. Percentage of orchards (apple, pear, peach, grape, and orange) insufficient in potassium ranged from 16 to 25. The leaves and soils from the good apple and pear orchards showed higher potassium content than those from the poor ones. Critical ratio of $K_2O/(CaO+MgO)$ in mulberry leaves to escape from winter death of branch tip was 0.95. In the multiple croping system, exchangeable potassium in soils after one crop was affected by the previous crops and potassium uptake seemed to be related with soil organic matter providing soil moisture and aeration. Thus, the long term and quantitative investigation of various forms of potassium including total one are needed in relation to soil, weather and croping system. Potassium uptake and efficiency may be increased by topdressing, deep placement, slow-releasing or granular fertilizer application with the consideration of rainfall pattern. In all researches for nutritional explanation including potassium of crop yield reasonable and practicable nutritional indices will most easily be obtained through multifactor analysis.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Fisheries and Ocean Technology
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.1-18
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• 1973

For regulating the depth of midwater trawl nets towed at the optimum constant speed, the changes in the shape of warps caused by adding a weight on an arbitrary point of the warp of catenary shape is studied. The shape of a warp may be approximated by a catenary. The resultant inferences under this assumption were experimented. Accordingly feasibilities for the application of the result of this study to the midwater trawl nets were also discussed. A series of experiments for basic midwater trawl gear models in water tank and a couple of experiments of a commercial scale gears at sea which involve the properly designed depth control devices having a variable attitude horizontal wing were carried out. The results are summarized as follows: 1. According to the dimension analysis the depth y of a midwater trawl net is introduced by $$y=kLf(\frac{W_r}{R_r},\;\frac{W_o}{R_o},\;\frac{W_n}{R_n})$$) where k is a constant, L the warp length, f the function, and $W_r,\;W_o$ and $W_n$ the apparent weights of warp, otter board and the net, respectively, 2. When a boat is towing a body of apparent weight $W_n$ and its drag $D_n$ by means of a warp whose length L and apparent weight $W_r$ per unit length, the depth y of the body is given by the following equation, provided that the shape of a warp is a catenary and drag of the warp is neglected in comparison with the drag of the body: $$y=\frac{1}{W_r}\{\sqrt{{D_n^2}+{(W_n+W_rL)^2}}-\sqrt{{D_n^2+W_n}^2\}$$ 3. The changes ${\Delta}y$ of the depth of the midwater trawl net caused by changing the warp length or adding a weight ${\Delta}W_n$_n to the net, are given by the following equations: $${\Delta}y{\approx}\frac{W_n+W_{r}L}{\sqrt{D_n^2+(W_n+W_{r}L)^2}}{\Delta}L$$ $${\Delta}y{\approx}\frac{1}{W_r}\{\frac{W_n+W_rL}{\sqrt{D_n^2+(W_n+W_{r}L)^2}}-{\frac{W_n}{\sqrt{D_n^2+W_n^2}}\}{\Delta}W_n$$ 4. A change ${\Delta}y$ of the depth of the midwater trawl net by adding a weight $W_s$ to an arbitrary point of the warp takes an equation of the form $${\Delta}y=\frac{1}{W_r}\{(T_{ur}'-T_{ur})-T_u'-T_u)\}$$ Where $$T_{ur}^l=\sqrt{T_u^2+(W_s+W_{r}L)^2+2T_u(W_s+W_{r}L)sin{\theta}_u$$ $$T_{ur}=\sqrt{T_u^2+(W_{r}L)^2+2T_uW_{r}L\;sin{\theta}_u$$ $$T_{u}^l=\sqrt{T_u^2+W_s^2+2T_uW_{s}\;sin{\theta}_u$$ and $T_u$ represents the tension at the point on the warp, ${\theta}_u$ the angle between the direction of $T_u$ and horizontal axis, $T_u^2$ the tension at that point when a weights $W_s$ adds to the point where $T_u$ is acted on. 5. If otter boards were constructed lighter and adequate weights were added at their bottom to stabilize them, even they were the same shapes as those of bottom trawls, they were definitely applicable to the midwater trawl gears as the result of the experiments. 6. As the results of water tank tests the relationship between net height of H cm velocity of v m/sec, and that between hydrodynamic resistance of R kg and the velocity of a model net as shown in figure 6 are respectively given by $$H=8+\frac{10}{0.4+v}$$ $$R=3+9v^2$$ 7. It was found that the cross-wing type depth control devices were more stable in operation than that of the H-wing type as the results of the experiments at sea. 8. The hydrodynamic resistance of the net gear in midwater trawling is so large, and regarded as nearly the drag, that sweeping depth of the gear was very stable in spite of types of the depth control devices. 9. An area of the horizontal wing of the H-wing type depth control device was $1.2{\times}2.4m^2$. A midwater trawl net of 2 ton hydrodynamic resistance was connected to the devices and towed with the velocity of 2.3 kts. Under these conditions the depth change of about 20m of the trawl net was obtained by controlling an angle or attack of $30^{\circ}$.

• Economic and Environmental Geology
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• v.5 no.4
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• pp.187-209
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• 1972

Drilling position is one of the most important factors affecting on the blasting effects. There has been many reports on several blasting factors of burn-cut by Messrs. Brown and Cook, but in this study the author tried to compare drilling positions of burn-cut to pyramid-cut, and also to correlate burn-cut effects of drilling patterns, not being dealt by Prof. Ito in his theory, which emphasized on dynamical stress analysis between explosion and free face. According to former theories, there break out additional tensile stress reflected at the free face supplemented to primary compressive stress on the blasting with one-free-face. But with these experimented new drilling patterns of burn-cut, more free faces and nearer distance of each drilling holes make blasting effects greater than any other methods. To promote the above explosive effect rationary, it has to be considered two important categories under-mentioned. First, unloaded hole in the key holes should be drilled in wider diameter possibly so that it breaks out greater stress relief. Second, key holes possibly should have closer distances each other to result clean blasting. These two important factors derived from experiments with, theories of that the larger the dia of the unloaded hole, it can be allowed wider secondary free faces and closes distances of each holes make more developed stress relief, between loaded and unloaded holes. It was suggested that most ideal distance between holes is about 4 clearance in U. S. A., but the author, according to the experiments, it results that the less distance allow, the more effective blasting with increased broken rock volume and longer drifted length can be accomplished. Developed large hole burn-cut method aimed to increase drifting length technically under the above considerations, and progressive success resulted to achieve maximum 7 blasting cycles per day with 3.1m drifting length per cycle. This achievement originated high-speed-drifting works, and it was also proven that application of Metallic AN-FO on large hole burn-cut method overcomes resistance of one-free-face. AN-FO which was favored with low price and safety handling is the mixture of the fertilizer or industrial Ammonium-Nitrate and fuel oil, and it is also experienced that it shows insensible property before the initiation, but once it is initiated by the booster, it has equal explosive power of Ammonium Nitrate Explosives (ANE). There was many reports about AN-FO. On AN-FO mixing ratio, according to these experiments, prowdered AN-FO, 93.5 : 6.5 and prilled AN-FO 94 : 6, are the best ratios. Detonation, shock, and friction sensities are all more insensitive than any other explosives. Residual gas is not toxic, too. On initation and propagation of the detonation test, prilled AN-FO is more effective than powered AN-FO. AN-FO has the best explosion power at 7 days elapsed after it has mixed. While AN-FO was used at open pit in past years prior to other conditions, the author developed new improved explosives, Metallic AN-FO and Underwater explosive, based on the experiments of these fundmental characteristics by study on its usage utilizing AN-FO. Metallic AN-FO is the mixture of AN-FO and Al, Fe-Si powder, and Underwater explosive is made from usual explosive and AN-FO. The explanations about them are described in the other paper. In this study, it is confirmed that the blasting effects of utilizing AN-FO explosives are very good.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.16
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• pp.303-339
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• 2007

"The damage incurred from forced mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism" means the life, physical, and property damage suffered by those who were forced to lead a life as soldiers, civilians attached to the military, laborers, and comfort women forcibly mobilized by the Japanese Imperialists during the period between the Manchurian Incident and the Pacific War. Up to the present time, every effort to restore the history on such a compulsory mobilization-borne damage has been made by the damaged parties, bereaved families, civil organizations, and academic circles concerned; as a result, on March 5, 2004, Disclosure act of Forced Mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism[part of it was partially revised on May 17, 2007]was officially established and proclaimed. On the basis of this law, the Truth Commission on Forced Mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism Republic of Korea[Compulsory Mobilization Commission hence after] was launched under the jurisdiction of the Prime Minister on November 10, 2004. Since February 1, 2005, this organ has begun its work with the aim of looking into the real aspects of damage incurred from compulsory mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism, by which making the historical truth open to the world. The major business of this organ is to receive the damage report and investigation of the reported damage[examination of the alleged victims and bereaved families, and decision-making], receipt of the application for the fact-finding & fact finding; fact finding and matters impossible to make judgment; correction of a family register subsequent to the damage judgement; collection & analysis of data concerning compulsory mobilization at home and from abroad and writing up of a report; exhumation of the remains, remains saving, their repatriation, and building project for historical records hall and museum & memorial place, etc. The Truth Commission on Compulsory Mobilization has dug out and collected a variety of records to meet the examination of the damage and fact finding business. As is often the case with other history of damage, the records which had already been made open to the public or have been newly dug out usually have their limits to ascertaining of the diverse historical context involved in compulsory mobilization in their quantity or quality. Of course, there may happen a case where the interested parties' story can fill the vacancy of records or has its foundational value more than its related record itself. The Truth Commission on Compulsory mobilization generated a variety of oral history records through oral interviews with the alleged damage-suffered survivors and puts those data to use for examination business, attempting to make use of those data for public use while managing those on a systematic method. The Truth Commission on compulsory mobilization-possessed oral history archives were generated based on a drastic planning from the beginning of their generation, and induced digital medium-based production of those data while bearing the conveniences of their management and usage in mind from the stage of production. In addition, in order to surpass the limits of the oral history archives produced in the process of the investigating process, this organ conducted several special training sessions for the interviewees and let the interviewees leave their real context in time of their oral testimony in an interview journal. The Truth Commission on compulsory mobilization isn't equipped with an extra records management system for the management of the collected archives. The digital archives are generated through the management system of the real aspects of damage and electronic approval system, and they plays a role in registering and searching the produced, collected, and contributed records. The oral history archives are registered at the digital archive and preserved together with real records. The collected oral history archives are technically classified at the same time of their registration and given a proper number for registration, classification, and keeping. The Truth Commission on compulsory mobilization has continued its publication of oral history archives collection for the positive use of them and is also planning on producing an image-based matters. The oral history archives collected by this organ are produced, managed and used in as positive a way as possible surpassing the limits produced in the process of investigation business and budgetary deficits as well as the absence of records management system, etc. as the form of time-limit structure. The accumulated oral history archives, if a historical records hall and museum should be built as regulated in Disclosure act of forced mobilization, would be more systematically managed and used for the public users.

• Asia Marketing Journal
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.83-98
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• 2012

In a market where new and used cars are competing with each other, we would run the risk of obtaining biased estimates of cross elasticity between them if we focus on only new cars or on only used cars. Unfortunately, most of previous studies on the automobile industry have focused on only new car models without taking into account the effect of used cars' pricing policy on new cars' market shares and vice versa, resulting in inadequate prediction of reactive pricing in response to competitors' rebate or price discount. However, there are some exceptions. Purohit (1992) and Sullivan (1990) looked into both new and used car markets at the same time to examine the effect of new car model launching on the used car prices. But their studies have some limitations in that they employed the average used car prices reported in NADA Used Car Guide instead of actual transaction prices. Some of the conflicting results may be due to this problem in the data. Park (1998) recognized this problem and used the actual prices in his study. His work is notable in that he investigated the qualitative effect of new car model launching on the pricing policy of the used car in terms of reinforcement of brand equity. The current work also used the actual price like Park (1998) but the quantitative aspect of competitive price promotion between new and used cars of the same model was explored. In this study, I develop a model that assumes that the cross elasticity between new and used cars of the same model is higher than those amongst new cars and used cars of the different model. Specifically, I apply the nested logit model that assumes the car model choice at the first stage and the choice between new and used cars at the second stage. This proposed model is compared to the IIA (Independence of Irrelevant Alternatives) model that assumes that there is no decision hierarchy but that new and used cars of the different model are all substitutable at the first stage. The data for this study are drawn from Power Information Network (PIN), an affiliate of J.D. Power and Associates. PIN collects sales transaction data from a sample of dealerships in the major metropolitan areas in the U.S. These are retail transactions, i.e., sales or leases to final consumers, excluding fleet sales and including both new car and used car sales. Each observation in the PIN database contains the transaction date, the manufacturer, model year, make, model, trim and other car information, the transaction price, consumer rebates, the interest rate, term, amount financed (when the vehicle is financed or leased), etc. I used data for the compact cars sold during the period January 2009- June 2009. The new and used cars of the top nine selling models are included in the study: Mazda 3, Honda Civic, Chevrolet Cobalt, Toyota Corolla, Hyundai Elantra, Ford Focus, Volkswagen Jetta, Nissan Sentra, and Kia Spectra. These models in the study accounted for 87% of category unit sales. Empirical application of the nested logit model showed that the proposed model outperformed the IIA (Independence of Irrelevant Alternatives) model in both calibration and holdout samples. The other comparison model that assumes choice between new and used cars at the first stage and car model choice at the second stage turned out to be mis-specfied since the dissimilarity parameter (i.e., inclusive or categroy value parameter) was estimated to be greater than 1. Post hoc analysis based on estimated parameters was conducted employing the modified Lanczo's iterative method. This method is intuitively appealing. For example, suppose a new car offers a certain amount of rebate and gains market share at first. In response to this rebate, a used car of the same model keeps decreasing price until it regains the lost market share to maintain the status quo. The new car settle down to a lowered market share due to the used car's reaction. The method enables us to find the amount of price discount to main the status quo and equilibrium market shares of the new and used cars. In the first simulation, I used Jetta as a focal brand to see how its new and used cars set prices, rebates or APR interactively assuming that reactive cars respond to price promotion to maintain the status quo. The simulation results showed that the IIA model underestimates cross elasticities, resulting in suggesting less aggressive used car price discount in response to new cars' rebate than the proposed nested logit model. In the second simulation, I used Elantra to reconfirm the result for Jetta and came to the same conclusion. In the third simulation, I had Corolla offer $1,000 rebate to see what could be the best response for Elantra's new and used cars. Interestingly, Elantra's used car could maintain the status quo by offering lower price discount ($160) than the new car ($205). In the future research, we might want to explore the plausibility of the alternative nested logit model. For example, the NUB model that assumes choice between new and used cars at the first stage and brand choice at the second stage could be a possibility even though it was rejected in the current study because of mis-specification (A dissimilarity parameter turned out to be higher than 1). The NUB model may have been rejected due to true mis-specification or data structure transmitted from a typical car dealership. In a typical car dealership, both new and used cars of the same model are displayed. Because of this fact, the BNU model that assumes brand choice at the first stage and choice between new and used cars at the second stage may have been favored in the current study since customers first choose a dealership (brand) then choose between new and used cars given this market environment. However, suppose there are dealerships that carry both new and used cars of various models, then the NUB model might fit the data as well as the BNU model. Which model is a better description of the data is an empirical question. In addition, it would be interesting to test a probabilistic mixture model of the BNU and NUB on a new data set.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.211-250
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• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
• /
• v.10
• /
• pp.1-40
• /
• 2008

1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.