• Journal of the Korean Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.117-129
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• 1990

35 children(17 boys, 18 girls) with Recurrent Abdominal pain(RAP) without apparent organic causes, referrd from pediatric department of Seoul National University Children's Hospital were studied during 1988. 7. 1 ${\sim}$ 1989. 2. 28. The aims of this study are to examine clinical characteristics of the patients with RAP, to find possible factors influencing the onset and the course of the disorder, to evaluate the psychological status and the relationship with psychiatric diagnoses. The study subjects were compared with the age and sex matched control subjects on measures of social and school functioning, family-environment, behavior traits by CBCL and parent-environment rating scale. All patients and their mothers were interviewed by a child psychiatrist. The results were as follows ; 1) Abdominal pain was found to be more frequent when with a care taker, and related with traumatic life stresses such as separation from parents, death of family members. 2) Family members of the patients with RAP also had a high rate of a history of gastrointestinal dysfunctions with could not be attributed to organic etiologies. 3) Among 35 patients with RAP, 16 were diagnosed as psychiatric disorders. They were adjustment disorders (4), overanxious disorders (4), depression (2), tic disorders (2), attention deficit disorders (2), separation anxiety disorders (1), enuresis (1). 4) On CBCL, the patients with RAP were more internalized, socially less competent and less active compared with the control subjects. 5) According to the parent-environment rating scale, the patients with RAP had more conflicts with their parents about control issues. Family members of the patients with RAP were socially less competent and less abjustable. The parents of the patients with RAP were more affectionate and spent more time with their children but they were unfair and vague on instruction and discipline.

• Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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• v.35 no.3
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• pp.287-300
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• 2010

Objectives: We identified factors associated with any participation and with "good participation" (as assessed by frequency of attendance) in health promotion programs at a public health center in Korea. Methods: The subjects included 199 women who attended a baseline examination of health promotion programs during the first half of 2009. We collected data by structured interviews and physical examinations. Participation status was quantified by the frequency of attendance to the program. We classified the subjects as non-participants (0) and participants (1+ times), and as poor participants (0-29 times) and good participants (30+ times). Results: Of the 199 subjects, there were 57 (28.6%) non-participants, while 56 (28.1%) were classified as good participants. The factors that significantly affected participation status, as identified by univariate analysis, were personal factors (age, educational level, marital status, religion, living with someone, monthly income), environmental factors (method of access, accessibility of other facilities), body mass index, hypertension, perceived barriers to health, emotional salience, affectionate domain of social support, and depression. Multiple logistic regression analyses indicated that method of access was the most significant factor affecting participation in the health promotion program, and that the factors most highly associated with good participation were emotional salience, hypertension and body mass index. Conclusions: Our findings suggest that specific factors determine and enhance participation in health promotion programs offered by public health centers. These factors should be considered during the design and evaluation of health promotion programs that are offered by public health centers.

• Clinical and Experimental Pediatrics
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• v.49 no.5
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• pp.523-528
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• 2006

Purpose : The purpose of this study was to investigate the relationship between depression and resilience in adolescents with congenital heart disease(CHD) and to identify the variables associated with depression. Methods : The Resilience Scale(cronbach's ${\alpha}=0.92$), Children's Depression Inventory(cronbach's ${\alpha}=0.72$) and Maternal Behavior Research Instrument(cronbach's ${\alpha}=0.88$) were applied and analyzed to assess depression and resilience among 231 adolescents after surgery for CHD from three major cardiac centers in Korea. This group consist of 114 males and 117 females. The mean age was 15.8 years(range : 13-18 years). The clinical severity of illness was rated by CHD functional index and NYHA functional class. Results : The mean score for depression and resilience was 16.74(range : 0-49) and 115.84(range : 70-132) respectively. Depression was significantly related to age(r=0.25, P<0.001) and NYHA functional class(r=0.35, P<0.001), as well as being negatively correlated with oxygen saturation(r=-0.39, P<0.001), academic achievement(r=-0.41, P<0.001), parental attitude(r=-0.49, P<0.001) and resilience (r=-0.59, P<0.001). The results of multiple regression analysis showed that parental attitude(${\beta}=-0.48$, P<0.01) and resilience(${\beta}=-0.62$, P<0.01) were related to depression. Conclusion : This study demonstrated that adolescents with CHD had a higher resilience and were less depressed with an affectionate parent. With respect to medical and nursing intervention programs, it is essential to identify strengths of adolescents with CHD in order to increase their resilience. Additionally, it is also important that parenting and counseling programs be implemented for the parents of adolescents with CHD.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.30
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• pp.319-332
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• 2009

The research on the poem work of Hwang Jin I may have been discussed relatively profoundly compared to the number of works left by her. On the prolongation of such result that has been made thus far, the author tried to investigate aspect of confrontation of figuration and situation of farewell revealed in the poem work of Hwang Jin I through this dissertation. The 6 poems of Hwang Jin I are works which are directly or indirectly related to the situation of farewell. Thus, the author began to discuss dissertation, thinking that the difference in aspect of confrontation in the farewell situation of Hwang Jin I projected in the work can be confirmed by analyzing the poem work of Hwang Jin I. First, with respect to the figuration of farewell in the poem of Hwang Jin I, it cannot be said that she left many poems. However, it could be confirmed that the universal human emotion felt in the situation of farewell was effective converted to figuration by personality of the author through the delicate symbol and simile felt in each work and diverse poetic devices. Then, the aspect of confrontation of farewell situation revealed in the poem of Hwang Jin I was investigated in 3 large divided aspects. First, it is the nature-compliant aspect of confrontation that does not artificially reject or disobey but accepts the moment of farewell by relying on the providence of nature with respect to the situation of farewell. Four works pertain to this category, namely, <니 언지 무언(無言)하여$\sim$>, <어뎌 니 일이여$\sim$>, <산(山)은 넷 산(山)이로디$\sim$> and <청산(靑山)은 내 뜻이요$\sim$>. Next, it may be challenge to the nature, that is, to cut time and space at own intention against the providence of nature. The work, <동지인(冬至人)달 기나긴 밤을$\sim$> pertains to this category. Finally, it is mixed aspect of confrontation in which the above-mentioned compliant aspect of confrontation is mixed with challenging aspect of confrontation. The work, <청산리(靑山裡) 벽계수(碧溪水)ㅣ야$\sim$> may pertain to this category. As explained above, the aspect of confrontation revealed differently in the situation of farewell may be due to the peculiarity of her status as official kisaeng. Furthermore, her magnanimous and affectionate character may be also quite influential on this matter. The matters to be supplemented to make the above discussion successful need to be studied in the subsequent research.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.112-131
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• 2009

The Trikaya Banner Painting in the Suta-sa Temple at Hongcheon-gun, Gangwon-do draws attention as it was painted not on flax but on paper, and used the water color painting technique on the sketch rather than the deep color painting technique, which is most common in Buddhist paintings created during the Chosun Dynasty. Nevertheless, there is not any information on the creation of the Trikaya Banner Painting in the painting record on the painting, in Sutasasajeok(壽陀寺史蹟), or in Sutasagogirok(壽陀寺古記錄), so it is uncertain when the painting was created. Furthermore, because it was not drawn by the deep color painting technique, it has been difficult to compare it with other banner paintings. For these reasons, the Trikaya Banner Painting has been studied little except brief introduction. In recent preservation treatment that removed multiple-layered paper from the back of the painting, however, an inked inscription written on Korean paper 118cm high and 87.5cm wide was discovered on the back. It is a kind of placard notifying a number of acts prohibited in order to follow Buddha's teachings correctly, and was found to have been written on April 15, 1690. The inked inscription is a very valuable material for estimating the creation date of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting, and provides crucial clues for approaching the contents and nature of the painting more precisely. When the image, form, and style of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting were examined and its creation date was estimated based on the inked inscription, first, the painting is presumed to have been created in around 1690 as suggested by 'the placard' attached on the back instead of a painting record. Second, the painting is highly likely to be the first standing Trikaya banner painting showing the basic icons of Trikaya banner paintings in the Chosun Dynasty since the Trikaya Banner Painting in the Gap-sa Temple in Gongju (1650). Furthermore, considering the shape of the Trikaya in the painting, screen composition, background treatment, solemn and affectionate facial expression, harmonious and adequate body proportion, etc., the painting is believed to have had a considerable influence not only on Trikaya banner paintings of similar style in the 18thcentury but also on deep-color Trikaya banner paintings in the 19thcentury. Third, although the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting is not acompleted work but a sketch, it exhibits the typical water color painting technique in which the strokes are clearly visible. Thus, it is considered highly valuable in understanding and analyzing stroke styles and in studying the history of Buddhist paintings. As there are not many extant banner paintings of the same style in form and expression technique as the Suta-sa Temple Trikaya Banner Painting, this study could not make thorough comparative analysis of the work, but still it is meaningful in that it laid the ground for research on standing Trikaya banner paintings in the 18thand 19thcenturies in the Chosun Dynasty.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.97
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• pp.14-54
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• 2020

The overall study of Samsaebulhoedo (painting of the Assembly of Buddhas of Three Ages) at Yongjusa Temple has focused on dating it, analyzing the painting style, identifying its painter, and scrutinizing the related documents. However, its greater coherence could be achieved through additional support from empirical evidence and logical consistency. Recent studies on Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple that postulate that the painting could have been produced by a monk-painter in the late nineteenth century and that an original version produced in 1790 could have been retouched by a painter in the 1920s using a Western painting style lack such empirical proof and logic. Although King Jeongjo's son was not yet installed as crown prince, the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple contained a conventional written prayer wishing for a long life for the king, queen, and crown prince: "May his majesty the King live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). Later, this phrase was erased using cinnabar and revised to include unusual content in an exceptional order: "May his majesty the King live long / May his highness the King's Affectionate Mother (Jagung) live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 慈宮邸下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). A comprehensive comparison of the formats and contents in written prayers found on late Joseon Buddhist paintings and a careful analysis of royal liturgy during the reign of King Jeongjo reveal Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple to be an original version produced at the time of the founding of Yongjusa Temple in 1790. According to a comparative analysis of formats, iconography, styles, aesthetic sensibilities, and techniques found in Buddhist paintings and paintings by Joseon court painters from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple bears features characteristic of paintings produced around 1790, which corresponds to the result of analysis on the written prayer. Buddhist paintings created up to the early eighteenth century show deities with their sizes determined by their religious status and a two-dimensional conceptual composition based on the traditional perspective of depicting close objects in the lower section and distant objects above. This Samsaebulhoedo, however, systematically places the Buddhist deities within a threedimensional space constructed by applying a linear perspective. Through the extensive employment of chiaroscuro as found in Western painting, it expresses white highlights and shadows, evoking a feeling that the magnificent world of the Buddhas of the Three Ages actually unfolds in front of viewers. Since the inner order of a linear perspective and the outer illusion of chiaroscuro shading are intimately related to each other, it is difficult to believe that the white highlights were a later addition. Moreover, the creative convergence of highly-developed Western painting style and techniques that is on display in this Samsaebulhoedo could only have been achieved by late-Joseon court painters working during the reign of King Jeongjo, including Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin. Deungun, the head monk of Yongjusa Temple, wrote Yongjusa sajeok (History of Yongjusa Temple) by compiling the historical records on the temple that had been transmitted since its founding. In Yongjusa sajeok, Deungun recorded that Kim Hongdo painted Samsaebulhoedo as if it were a historical fact. The Joseon royal court's official records, Ilseongnok (Daily Records of the Royal Court and Important Officials) and Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok (Suwon Construction Records), indicate that Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin all served as a supervisor (gamdong) for the production of Buddhist paintings. Since within Joseon's hierarchical administrative system it was considered improper to allow court painters of government position to create Buddhist paintings which had previously been produced by monk-painters, they were appointed as gamdong in name only to avoid a political liability. In reality, court painters were ordered to create Buddhist paintings. During their reigns, King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo summoned the literati painters Jo Yeongseok and Kang Sehwang to serve as gamdong for the production of royal portraits and requested that they paint these portraits as well. Thus, the boundary between the concept of supervision and that of painting occasionally blurred. Supervision did not completely preclude painting, and a gamdong could also serve as a painter. In this light, the historical records in Yongjusa sajeok are not inconsistent with those in Ilseongnok, Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok, and a prayer written by Hwang Deok-sun, which was found inside the canopy in Daeungjeon Hall at Yongjusa Temple. These records provided the same content in different forms as required for their purposes and according to the context. This approach to the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple will lead to a more coherent explanation of dating the painting, analyzing its style, identifying its painter, and interpreting the relevant documents based on empirical grounds and logical consistency.