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Studies on the Life History of Bacciger harengulae (Bacciger harengulae의 생활사에 관한 연구)

  • KIM Young-Gill;CHUN Seh-Kyu
    • Korean Journal of Fisheries and Aquatic Sciences
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    • v.17 no.5
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    • pp.449-470
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    • 1984
  • The cercaria of Bacciger herengulae which is parasitized on the gonad of Solen strictus was investigated in order to reveal its entire life history. The area covered for the study was in the vicinity sea of Naechodo, the estuary of the Kum river in the western coast of Korea during the period of 1980-1983. Morphology and development as well as infection rates of sporocyst and cercaria within Solen strictus were examined. For accomplishing the objectives of this study, an artificial infection experiment and some investigations on the second intermediate host, the final host and the growing stages were also studied in both laboratory and natural habitat of Solen strictus. According to the study, it was revealed that the first intermediate hosts were Meretrix lusoria, Solen strictus, Tapes japonica and Laternula limicola, the second intermediate host was Palaemon (Exopalaemon) carinicauda and the final hosts were Konosirus punctatus and Harengula zunasi. A mature sporocyst which was found in the gonad of Solen strictus was $4.0-4.3{\times}0.2-0.21\;mm$ insize, and the cercaia with 27 pairs of setae, each seta consisting of 6 tufts, was $270{\times}147{\mu}m$ in body size and $550{\times}52{\mu}m$ in tail size. Oral sucker($52{\times}42{\mu}m$), pharynx, vental sucker and two testese were obviously seen within the cercaria. The excretory vesicles of cercaria were in V-shape and the flame cell were formula was expressed as 2[(3+3)+(3+3)]=24. The infection of cercaria in the first intermediate host, Solen strictus, was found throughout the year regardlless of the water temperature, and its mean infection rate was $9.67\%$ during the study period. The infection rate fluctuated with temperature, the highest being $28.0\%\;at\;28.0^{\circ}C$ water temperature in July and the lowest $2.4\%\;at\;19.5^{\circ}C$ in October, and it increased in proportion to the shell length on the host. But cercaria was not detected at below 4.0 cm in size of the host. Mature cercariae were found 6 months from May to October when water temperature was above $19.5^{\circ}C$. On the other hand, when water temperature was below $19.5^{\circ}C$, only immature cercariae and sporocysts were found. The cercariae were active for 35 hours and survived for 71 hours at $20^{\circ}C$, and 29 and 34 hours at $25^{\circ}C$ respectively, whereas the cercariae were inactive at less than $20^{\circ}C$ in water temperature. Cercaria, from Solen strictus, approached shrimp of 1-3 cm in body length as its second host. Then, it began to intrude in to the muscle of shrimp after 2-3 hours. The infected cercaria formed cyst after 7-8 hours, and became mature metacercaria. $420{\times}310{\mu}m$ in size, 15 days afer infection. The infection rate of metaceria to shrimp in the laboratory was highest, at $25^{\circ}C$ being $61\%$ and at $20^{\circ}C\;17%$. The infection rate of metacearia in shrimp was highest in the first abdominal segment, followed by cephalothorax, the second, and fifth abdominal segments, and in that order. Also, the infection rate of metacercaria in wild shrimp was high $9.6-11.1\%$ at $26.5^{\circ}C$ in June, and low $1.56-2.5\%$ at $28-29.5^{\circ}C$ from July to August. The infected shrimp with metacercaria was experimentally fed to Konosirus punctatus in the laboratory in order to know its final host. The metacercaria developed into the adult worm, $440-520{\times}310-360{\mu}m$ in size, within the intestine of Konosirus punctatus 20 days after infection. The adult worm was oval shape and $20-24{\times}11-20{\mu}m$ in size. The infection rate of adult worm to Konosirus punctatus and Harengula zunasi ranged 87.3 to $100\%$, the mean being $95.2\%$, regardless of the body length of their hosts. The infection rate was $100\%$ in June and July, but it decreased in September and October. The size and body structure of the trematode observed during the present study were well agreed with those ievestigated by Yamaguti(1938), thus, it may be concluded that the adult worm it identified as Bacciger harengulae.

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National Survey of Mycobacterial Diseases Other Than Tuberculosis in Korea (비결핵항산균증 전국 실태조사)

  • 대한결핵 및 호흡기학회 학술위원회
    • Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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    • v.42 no.3
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    • pp.277-294
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    • 1995
  • Background: The prevalence of tuberculosis in Korea decreased remarkably for the past 30 years, while the incidence of disease caused by mycobacteria other than tuberculosis is unknown. Korean Academy of Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases performed national survey to estimate the incidence of mycobacterial diseases other than tuberculosis in Korea. We analyzed the clinical data of confirmed cases for the practice of primary care physicians and pulmonary specialists. Methods: The period of study was from January 1981 to October 1994. We collected the data retrospectively by correspondence with physicians in the hospitals that referred the specimens to Korean Institute of Tuberculosis, The Korean National Tuberculosis Association for the detection of mycobacteria other than tuberculosis. In confirmed cases, we obtained the records for clinical, laboratory and radiological findings in detail using protocols. Results: 1) Mycobacterial diseases other than tuberculosis were confirmed that 1 case was in 1981, 2 cases in 1982, 4 cases in 1983, 2 cases in 1984, 5 cases in 1985, 1 case in 1986, 3 cases in 1987, 1 case in 1988, 6 cases in 1989, 9 cases in 1990, 14 cases in 1990, 10 cases in 1992, 4 cases in 1993, and 96 cases in 1994. Cases since 1990 were 133 cases(84.2%) of a total. 2) Fifty seven percent of patients were in the age group of over 60 years. The ratio of male to female patients was 2.6:1. 3) The distribution of hospitals in Korea showed that 61 cases(38.6%) were referred from Double Cross Clinic, 42 cases(26.6%) from health centers, 21 cases(13.3%) from tertiary referral hospitals, 15 cases(9.5%) from secondary referral hospitals, and 10 cases(6.3%) from primary care hospitals. The area distribution in Korea revealed that 98 cases(62%) were in Seoul, 17 cases(10.8%) in Gyeongsangbuk-do, 12 cases(7.6%) in Kyongki-do, 8 cases(5.1%) in Chungchongnam-do, each 5 cases(3.2%) in Gyeongsangnam-do and Chungchongbuk-do, 6 cases(3.8%) in other areas. 4) In the species of isolated mycobacteria other than tuberculosis, M. avium-intracellulare was found in 104 cases(65.2%), M. fortuitum in 20 cases(12.7%), M. chelonae in 15 cases(9.5%), M. gordonae in 7 cases(4.4%), M. terrae in 5 cases(3.2%), M. scrofulaceum in 3 cases(1.9%), M. kansasii and M. szulgai in each 2 cases(1.3%), and M. avium-intracellulare coexisting with M. terrae in 1 case(0.6%). 5) In pre-existing pulmonary diseases, pulmonary tuberculosis was 113 cases(71.5%), bronchiectasis 6 cases(3.8%), chronic bronchitis 10 cases(6.3%), and pulmonary fibrosis 6 cases(3.8%). The timing of diagnosis as having pulmonary tuberculosis was within 1 year in 7 cases(6.2%), 2~5 years ago in 32 cases(28.3%), 6~10 years ago in 29 cases(25.7%), 11~15 years ago in 16 cases(14.2%), 16~20 years ago in 15 cases (13.3%), and 20 years ago in 14 cases(12.4%). Duration of anti-tuberculous treatment was within 3 months in 6 cases(5.3%), 4~6 months in 17 cases(15%), 7~9 months in 16 cases(14.2%), 10~12 months in 11 cases(9.7%), 1~2 years in 21 cases(18.6%), and over 2 years in 8 cases(7.1%). The results of treatment were cure in 44 cases(27.9%) and failure in 25 cases(15.8%). 6) Associated extra-pulmonary diseases were chronic liver disease coexisting with chronic renal failure in 1 case(0.6%), diabetes mellitus in 9 cases(5.7%), cardiovascular diseases in 2 cases(1.3%), long-term therapy with steroid in 2 cases(1.3%) and chronic liver disease, chronic renal failure, colitis and pneumoconiosis in each 1 case(0.6%). 7) The clinical presentations of mycobacterial diseases other than tuberculosis were 86 cases (54.4%) of chronic pulmonary infections, 1 case(0.6%) of cervical or other site lymphadenitis, 3 cases(1.9%) of endobronchial tuberculosis, and 1 case(0.6%) of intestinal tuberculosis. 8) The symptoms of patients were cough(62%), sputum(61.4%), dyspnea(30.4%), hemoptysis or blood-tinged sputum(20.9%), weight loss(13.3%), fever(6.3%), and others(4.4%). 9) Smear negative with culture negative cases were 24 cases(15.2%) in first examination, 27 cases(17.1%) in second one, 22 cases(13.9%) in third one, and 17 cases(10.8%) in fourth one. Smear negative with culture positive cases were 59 cases(37.3%) in first examination, 36 cases (22.8%) in second one, 24 cases(15.2%) in third one, and 23 cases(14.6%) in fourth one. Smear positive with culture negative cases were 1 case(0.6%) in first examination, 4 cases(2.5%) in second one, 1 case (0.6%) in third one, and 2 cases(1.3%) in fourth one. Smear positive with culture positive cases were 48 cases(30.4%) in first examination, 34 cases(21.5%) in second one, 34 cases(21.5%) in third one, and 22 cases(13.9%) in fourth one. 10) The specimens isolated mycobacteria other than tuberculosis were sputum in 143 cases (90.5%), sputum and bronchial washing in 4 cases(2.5%), bronchial washing in 1 case(0.6%). 11) Drug resistance against all species of mycobacteria other than tuberculosis were that INH was 62%, EMB 55.7%, RMP 52.5%, PZA 34.8%, OFX 29.1%, SM 36.7%, KM 27.2%, TUM 24.1%, CS 23.4%, TH 34.2%, and PAS 44.9%. Drug resistance against M. avium-intracellulare were that INH was 62.5%, EMB 59.6%, RMP 51.9%, PZA 29.8%, OFX 33.7%, SM 30.8%, KM 20.2%, TUM 17.3%, CS 14.4%, TH 31.7%, and PAS 38.5%. Drug resistance against M. chelonae were that INH was 66.7%, EMB 66.7%, RMP 66.7%, PZA 40%, OFX 26.7%, SM 66.7%, KM 53.3%, TUM 53.3%, CS 60%, TH 53.3%, and PAS 66.7%. Drug resistance against M. fortuitum were that INH was 65%, EMB 55%, RMP 65%, PZA 50%, OFX 25%, SM 55%, KM 45%, TUM 55%, CS 65%, TH 45%, and PAS 60%. 12) The activities of disease on chest roentgenogram showed that no active disease was 7 cases(4.4%), mild 20 cases(12.7%), moderate 67 cases(42.4%), and severe 47 cases(29.8%). Cavities were found in 43 cases(27.2%) and pleurisy in 18 cases(11.4%). 13) Treatment of mycobacterial diseases other than tuberculosis was done in 129 cases(81.7%). In cases treated with the first line anti-tuberculous drugs, combination chemotherapy including INH and RMP was done in 86 cases(66.7%), INH or RMP in 30 cases(23.3%), and not including INH and RMP in 9 cases(7%). In 65 cases treated with the second line anti-tuberculous drugs, combination chemotherapy including below 2 drugs were in 2 cases(3.1%), 3 drugs in 15 cases(23.1%), 4 drugs in 20 cases(30.8%), 5 drugs in 9 cases(13.8%), and over 6 drugs in 19 cases (29.2%). The results of treatment were improvement in 36 cases(27.9%), no interval changes in 65 cases(50.4%), aggravation in 4 cases(3.1%), and death in 4 cases(3.1%). In improved 36 cases, 34 cases(94.4%) attained negative conversion of mycobacteria other than tuberculosis on cultures. The timing in attaining negative conversion on cultures was within 1 month in 2 cases(1.3%), within 3 months in 11 cases(7%), within 6 months in 14 eases(8.9%), within 1 year in 2 cases(1.3%) and over 1 year in 1 case(0.6%). Conclusion: Clinical, laboratory and radiological findings of mycobacterial diseases other than tuberculosis were summarized. This collected datas will assist in the more detection of mycobacterial diseases other than tuberculosis in Korea in near future.

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Territorial Expansion the King Võ (Võ Vương, 1738-1765) in the Mekong Delta: Variation of Tám Thực Chi Kế (strategy of silkworm nibbling) and Dĩ Man Công Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians) in the Way to Build a New World Order (무왕(武王, 1738-1765) 시기 메콩 델타에서의 영토 확장 추이: 제국으로 가는 길, '잠식지계(蠶食之計)'와 '이만공만(以蠻攻蠻)'의 변주)

  • CHOI, Byung Wook
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.27 no.2
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    • pp.37-76
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    • 2017
  • $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.