• Proceedings of the Korean Institute of Navigation and Port Research Conference
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• 2004.08a
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• pp.87-95
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• 2004

Economic development is remarkable in Asia and progress of industrialization of NIES, ASEAN, and China in East Asia has increased the international physical distribution in this area. However, an imbalance of trade becomes severe in these areas. The imbalance is especially big in the Asia-North America route and the Japan-China route. The imbalance in the Asia -North America liner route is 5.04 million TEUS in 2002.The transportation ratio of loaded containers between China and Japan route is approximately 3:1 in 2000. In other words, it means that the transportation of loaded containers from China to Japan is 3, the transportation of loaded containers from Japan to China is I. The imbalance at a port is generally obtained by subtracting export loaded container cargo volume from import container cargo volume. However, the imbalance and the empty containers at the port are not always same. Then, in order to evaluate rationalization and efficiency of maritime container transportation, we introduce the amount of empty containers at a port as an evaluation index. However, the past data of the amount of handling empty containers have a lot of lacking portions. Then, it is necessary to estimate the past amount of empty containers in order to grasp the amount of empty containers historically. So, we construct the model that estimates the amount of empty containers using the imbalance of main port statistics in Japan.

• Journal of Korea Port Economic Association
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.23-41
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• 2003

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the gravitation of ship's cargo tons of arriving and leaving port of Busan based on the gravity model empirically and experimentally and to suggest possible ways to expand the trade quantities(cargo tons) by identifying important factors determining the port of Busan's bilateral trade flows with foreign countries by using the 1995, and 2001 data. In this paper, new independent variables, such as land, populations, and the APEC and ASEAN memberships, and new dependent variable, such as the ship's cargo tons of arrival and leaving port of Busan were used for expanding the previous studies. Empirical analysis found that the port of Busan tends to trade more with countries in close proximity and the large size of economies. The fact that the port of Busan's trades more with APEC countries than with non-APEC countries is a clear empirical evidence of the growing importance of the regional trade agreement and strategic alliance with the ports of these member countries. The main policy implication based on the findings of this study is that GDP, distance, adjacency, and APEC membership which were the affecting variables to the bilateral trade with the port of Busan should be closely investigated for enhancing the trade quantities with those foreign countries.

• Journal of Korea Port Economic Association
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.95-122
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• 2004

This study focuses on analyzing the potentiality of economic integration and the changes in logistics circumstances in Northeast Asia. So far as the changes in logistics circumstances in it, it is emphasized a complex transport system by sea and by land, according to the connection with the Railroad of South-North in Korean Peninsula and the Railroad of the Continent of Siberia. It first considers the propriety of economic integration among Korea, China and Japan in Northeast Asia. The first stage of the economic integration in Northeast Asia means it is started from contracting of FTA(Free Trade Agreement) which just agreed at the Summit Conference among Korea, China and Japan in ASEAN＋3(Korea China. Japan). At that time, the Summit Conference between the three countries have agreed to study on the propriety of FTA charging by own country's research organization. At first China has been hesitated to join with FTA in spite of high growth in his economy, because the time is not yet for it. After all, China also decided himself to participate to FTA together with Korea and Japan by reacted to the stimulus at the conference atmosphere between every country of ASEAN. The discussion on the changes in logistics circumstances also is needed to deal simultaneously with a situation in the economic integration in Northeast Asia. It is worthy to be paid our attention to the restoration of the Railroad of South-North in Korean Peninsula, which was disconnected for a long time from the dispute between South Korea and North Korea. Therefore, it needs to be investigated together with the movement of economic integration in Northeast Asia. The reaction on the restoration of the Railroad of South-North in Korean Peninsula is not only limited to the transport of trade cargo between South Korea and North Korea, but also it is reached to all of Northeast Asia, so far as to all of the area of Russia, Europe, and the other neighbor countries. Because this railroad is connected with the Railroad of the Continent of Siberia. The transport of trade cargo in Northeast Asia have been mostly depended upon the transport by sea until now. However, it would be divided into the transport by sea as well as by land from now. As its economic effect, the restoration of the Railroad of South-North in Korean Peninsula could be not only contributed to reduce the cost of logistics within South Korea and North Korea, but also within or without in Northeast Asia, Russia, and Europe. Consequently, it could be improved the power of international competitiveness of goods in Northeast Asia, according to the formation of a complex transport system together with the transport by sea and by land.

• Strategy21
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• s.37
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• pp.104-143
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• 2015

China's new grand strategy, the "One Belt, One Road Initiative" (also Belt Road Initiative, or BRI) has two primary components: Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the "Silk Road Economic Belt" in September 2013 during a visit to Kazakhstan, and the "21^st Century Maritime Silk Route Economic Belt" in a speech to the Indonesian parliament the following month. The BRI is intended to supply China with energy and new markets, and also to integrate the countries of Central Asia, the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN), and the Indian Ocean Region - though not Northeast Asia - into the "Chinese Dream". The project will be supported by the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), due to open in 2016 with 57 founding members from all around the world, and China has already promised US$ 50 billion in seed funding. China's vision includes networks of energy pipelines, railways, sea port facilities and logistics hubs; these will have obvious commercial benefits, but also huge geopolitical significance. China seems to have two distinct aims: externally, to restore its historical sphere of influence; and internally, to cope with income inequalities by creating middle-class jobs through enhanced trade and the broader development of its economy. In South Korea, opinion on the BRI is sharply polarized. Economic and industrial interests, including Korea Railroad Corporation (KORAIL), support South Korean involvement in the BRI and closer economic interactions with China. They see how the BRI fits nicely with President Park Geun-hye's Eurasia Initiative, and anticipate significant commercial benefits for South Korea from better connections to energy-rich Russia and the consumer markets of Europe and Central Asia. They welcome the prospect of reduced trade barriers between China and South Korea, and of improved transport infrastructure, and perceive the political risks as manageable. But some ardently pro-US pundits worry that the political risks of the BRI are too high. They cast doubt on the feasibility of implementing the BRI, and warn that although it has been portrayed primarily in economic terms, it actually reveals a crucial Chinese geopolitical strategy. They are fearful of China's growing regional dominance, and worried that the BRI is ultimately a means to supplant the prevailing US-led regional security structure and restore the Middle Kingdom order, with China as the only power that matters in the region. According to this view, once China has complete control of the regional logistics hubs and sea ports, this will severely limit the autonomy of China's neighbors, including South Korea, who will have to toe the Chinese line, both economically and politically, or risk their own peace and prosperity.