• SUVANNABHUMI
• /
• v.14 no.2
• /
• pp.233-249
• /
• 2022

Hizb ut-Tahrir (HT) is an Islamic social movement that struggles to change the existing political system to the Islamic system. HT argues that all problems in the Muslim world are rooted in adopting secular thought and ideology and the separation between Islam and the state. Hence, HT works to persuade Muslims to abandon that way of life and only apply Islam as the country's only ideology and constitution. HT has spread this narrative since it started in 1953 in Jordan. With this ideological and political attitude, many countries consider HT a threat to their political and community life, suppressing this movement by arresting members and banning the group to reduce or end HT activities in these countries. The Indonesian government has also carried out this repressive policy to limit the influence of Indonesian HTI since 2017. This paper aims to discuss the strategy of Hizb ut-Tahrir to continue its political activities Indonesia after being dissolved by the Indonesian government in 2017. This article used content analysis method to interpret the data collected from interview and documents from Hizb ut-Tahrir. Responding to state repression, HTI sought other methods of action by changing the place of resistance or activities, and by changing its identity.

• SUVANNABHUMI
• /
• v.10 no.1
• /
• pp.35-61
• /
• 2018

This paper explores the influence of Arab culture on the culture of Bugis-Makassar, the two major ethnic groups in South Sulawesi, Indonesia, particularly after their Islamization in the early 17^th century. The paper argues that since then, the on-going process of Islamization in the region has also brought a continuous flow of ideas and cultural practices from Mecca to Indonesia by means of the hajj pilgrims, Arab traders, and the establishment of Islamic educational institutions that emphasized the teaching and use of Arabic language in education. These factors, among others, have facilitated a cultural inflow which enabled cultural practices borne of West Asia (Middle East) to be integrated into local customs and beliefs. The paper particularly depicts the most observable forms of Arabic cultural integration, acculturation, and assimilation into the Bugis-Makassar culture such as the use of Arabic in Islamic schools and religious sermons; the Arab-style dressing by religious scholars, teachers, and students; the wearing of the hijab (head cover) by women; and the change of people's names from local into Arabic. By utilizing the historical and anthropological approach, this paper investigates this dynamic process of adaptation and integration of a foreign culture that first came through the Islamization of a local culture, exploring the role of an Islamic missionary and educational institutions in mediating and maintaining such cultural integration processes.

• SUVANNABHUMI
• /
• v.5 no.2
• /
• pp.67-80
• /
• 2013

A widely shared view identifies civil society with the set of nonprofit or nongovernmental organizations. This tradition reflects a long history of social theory viewed in institutional terms. Myanmar society has developed, mainly based on Buddhist culture and tradition. Buddhist practice necessitates public validation within an economy of merit in which moral action earns future rewards. Myanmar private voluntary associations have, since ancient times, played a vital role in achieving social purposes. Buddhist monasteries were the main education institutions in Myanmar. Until today, monastic schools, or monastic education centers as they are often called, have been the most important civil-society institutions bridging the accessibility gap in the state-run education system in government-controlled areas. Apart from social or community based that serve for public health in Myanmar there has been a number of religious organizations serving for the same. Moreover there appeared an association to very differently help those who need much urgent help. Since military coup in 1962, however, successive regimes have sought to stamp out civil society and permit only state-controlled organizations. Civil society re-emerged during the nation-wide pro-democracy demonstrations in 1988. After 1988 civil societies are allowed as like a political party to form. Now a day some civil societies have worked to start small-scale projects addressing local problems, but they must stay clear of politics.

• SUVANNABHUMI
• /
• v.9 no.2
• /
• pp.51-89
• /
• 2017

Strategically situated between the East-West maritime crossroads, the peoples of Southeast Asia over the centuries witnessed the comings and goings of traders from territories from East Asia, South Asia, West Asia and Europe. There were also those from North America that crossed the Pacific for commercial profits in this region. Foreign traders undoubtedly in the course of their visits and sojourns had liaisons with local women, some engaged in marriages. Offspring of these interracial miscegenation possessed rather unique characteristics. As a community, they were identified with the Malay term, peranakan, from the root word, "anak" meaning "child," hence "offspring" or "descendent". Specific terms - Baba Nyonya, Tionghoa-Selat, Chitty, Jawi Pekan, Pashu, Kristang - referred to particular groups. Although socially they appeared 'neither here nor there', members of mixed parentage were able to carve an especial niche in the local environment throughout Southeast Asia, conspicuously in urban, port-cities where trade and commerce predominated. Following in the footsteps of their progenitor, the Peranakan acted as intermediaries, comprador between foreign and indigenous enterprises, profiting financially and socially from trade and commerce. Tapping on the author's personal experiences and first-hand observations, complementing with oral sources, and support from secondary materials, this present essay explores, discusses, and analyzes the eclectic sociocultural practices and traditions of the Baba Nyonya of George Town, Penang. Purposeful intention is to further enlighten our understanding, and in turn, our appreciation, of these ever increasingly diminishing communities and their cultures across Southeast Asia.

• SUVANNABHUMI
• /
• v.2 no.2
• /
• pp.53-68
• /
• 2010

In this paper, we examine the traditional culture features of Vietnam, Cambodia, and Thailand and above this we try to find out the evidences that traditional culture features are shown up through the Constitutions of three countries. First, for Vietnam, unlike the other two countries, we could find out the traditional culture feature of strong resistance and struggle against the foreign powers like China throughout the history. Also, the loyalty for the community and country could be added as the traditional culture features as well. In contrast, for Cambodia and Thailand, we could see other aspects of traditional culture features, such as the promotion and protection of Buddhism, historically sustained Kingship and respect for the King, the opportunistic foreign policy for the foreign powers to national survive. Furthermore, we could find out the evidences that these traditional culture features are shown implicitly or explicitly in the Constitutions of the three countries in all. Although three countries have different historical backgrounds, experiences, cultures, and value systems, we could see that the Constitution of the three countries show that the traditional culture features are vigorously alive in it. Thus, we can say that this proves that the flow of traditional culture features are not easily changed or stopped by an era or ideology and still alive in the heart of the people.

• SUVANNABHUMI
• /
• v.9 no.1
• /
• pp.109-132
• /
• 2017

This article is about the emergence of Islamic modernism among Cham Muslim communities in Cambodia and Cochinchina during the early 20th century. Based on a combined critical reading of existing scholarship, historicized first-hand anthropological accounts, as well as archival sources from the National Archives of Cambodia and the Vietnam National Archives II, it argues accounts of modernists in these sources were either (1) cast through a French colonial reading of a Buddhist state lens and (2) cast through a Malay lens, based upon the Kaum Muda/Kaum Tua divide. First, it proceeds with a historical explanation of the emergence of Islam and the discourse used to describe Muslim communities in Vietnamese, French, and Cham language sources. Then, it turns the narrative toward an examination of the emergence of the "Kaum Muda" or "New Group" of reformist-minded modernist Muslims in early 20th century Cambodia. Delineating the networks of these intellectuals as they stretched across the border through Cochinchina, also highlights a pre-existing transnational element to the community, one that well predates current discussions of twenty-first-century transnationalism. Through a combination of the study of multiple language sources and historical methods, the article highlights the importance of polylingualism in the study of the history of Muslims in Southeast Asia.

• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• v.28 no.4
• /
• pp.1-29
• /
• 2018

The purpose of this study is to review the Southeast Asian studies in Korea in a comprehensive way and to set a new task for our academic community. To do this, I tried to analyze the total amount and trends of scholarly achievement (thesis, journal articles, and academic books). The content is divided into research history, research accumulation, and researcher scale. The history of research dates back more than we thought and was decentralized. Research accumulation is becoming more and more pluralistic. The number of researchers from various academic fields was higher than expected. The newly discovered Southeast Asian studies of Korea suggests the task of increasing the inclusiveness of our academic community. The KASEAS (Korean Association of Southeast Asian Studies) seems to be narrow and stagnant compared to the trend of Southeast Asian studies in Korea, which is constantly growing quantitatively, academically spreading, and transcending nationality. In order to increase the inclusiveness of the KASEAS, efforts should be made to open a variety of decentralized and autonomous study groups, to invite domestic graduate students from Southeast Asia, and to spread the university's foothold as a point of contact between pluralistic disciplines.

• Journal of Agricultural Extension & Community Development
• /
• v.19 no.1
• /
• pp.147-178
• /
• 2012

청정개발체제(CDM)는 1997년 교토의정서(Kyoto protocol)를 통해 확립된 온실가스 배출과 관련된 선진국과 개도국 간 협력 기제의 하나이다. 청정개발체제는 기본적으로 선진국의 정부 또는 민간조직이 개도국에서 배출감축 프로젝트를 수행하고, CER(Certified Emission Reduction)의 형태로 배출권을 얻는 것을 허용하고, CER을 자국의 배출감축목표 달성을 위해 사용할 수 있도록 하고 있다. 이 연구의 목적은 아세안 국가들의 청정개발 메커니즘의 성취도를 알아보는데 있으며, 자료는 2010년 10월 15일 현재 유엔기후변화기본협약(UNFCCC)에 등록된 254개 청정개발체제 사업을 대상으로 분석하였다. 이 연구의 결과, 전체 254개 사업 중 20%만이 탄소배출권을 받은 것으로 나타났으며, 실제 탄소배출권의 총량은 650만 톤이지만, 이는 전체 사업계획서에 반영된 양의 15%에 불과한 것으로 분석되었다. 또한 아세안 국가의 CDM사업과 관련된 장애 요인으로서는 (1) 사업 등록과 탄소배출권 승인 간 시간 격차가 존재하고, (2) 사업계획과 실제 승인량에 차이가 나타나며, (3) 특히 소규모 사업의 경우 높은 거래 비용 때문에 등록 후 배출승인을 신청하지 않고 있는 것으로 나타나고 있다. 이러한 연구결과는 아세안국가들이 CDM사업을 수행하는 데 있어서 선진국들의 주요 파트너가 되고 있지만, 실제로 사업을 통한 탄소배출량은 제한적일 수 있음을 의미한다. 따라서 일부 아세안 국가에서 교토의정서에 따라 자체적으로 탄소배출감축을 시도하고 있음을 고려할 때, 자체적인 CDM의 성공적인 경영, 수행, 운영을 위해 더 많은 선진국들의 협력과 지원이 주어질 필요가 있다.

• Journal of Fisheries and Marine Sciences Education
• /
• v.19 no.1
• /
• pp.53-73
• /
• 2007

There exists historically intimate relationship between the fisheries of the three countries of Northeast Asia in terms of the same fishing ground and similar resources. This means that if one of the countries fail to manage their fisheries properly, it will harm the others. Especially, if the EEZ straddling and Trans-Boundary Fish Stocks aren't managed by the cooperation of the three countries, the exhaustion of resources will be more likely to be accelerated. Considering the aspects mentioned, this paper refers to the necessity of fisheries cooperation between Korea, China, and Japan. Next, it analyzed the joint control cases of Norway/Russia Management of Shared Fish Stocks in the Barents Sea, Management of South Tasman Rise in Orange roughy, Agreement on Fisheries between the European Economic Community and the Kingdom of Norway, Conservation and management of pollack resources in the central Bering Sea, and drew a conclusion for ourselves. Last of all, it suggests a step-by-step strategy of promoting joint control between three countries, and the plan of the establishing and managing the organization of joint fisheries control. About the joint control, "The Joint Statement of promoting collaboration between Korea, China, and Japan" has been announced at ASEAN in October 7th, 2003 and the summit talk of the three countries. In the joint statement, the three countries came to an agreement which says, "Cooperation in Fishery Resource Conservation : The three countries will cooperate, bilaterally or trilaterally, to promote the sustainable use and conservation of fishery resource through the effective fishery management". Not only the consistent collaboration between the government is necessary, but also continuous exchange and related study on a Non-governmental level is also needed for the viable outcome in the near future. When deducting the result for the joint fisheries control, this writer hopes the contents of this study will be helpful.

• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• v.28 no.1
• /
• pp.1-20
• /
• 2018

Southeast Asia witnessed a paradox of political stagnation and economic development in 2017. The 'dual order' of security dependence on America and economic dependence on China was sustained in East Asia. In this regard, Southeast Asia of two faces was quite similar to broader East Asia. On one hand, the old socialist group with totalitarian nostalgia lurked in the buffer zone between totalitarianism and authoritarianism, while the original capitalist group under democratic disguise roamed in the gray zone between authoritarianism and democracy. On the other, the old socialist group with the legacy of the planned economy succumbed to the temptation of the Beijing Consensus on state capitalism, while the original capitalist group with the myth of the market economy was exposed to the pressure of the Washington Consensus on liberal capitalism. The ASEAN Community representing the regional integration of Southeast Asia was caught in the strategic predicament of a looming 'new cold war' between the continental and maritime powers.