• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.23
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• pp.155-180
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• 2008

Suam(遂庵) Kwon Sang-Ha(權尙夏) was a very important character in the late Chosoen Dynasty. He was a representative of the academic circles(school of Uam) and political circles(Nolon; 老論) after Uam(尤庵) Song Si-Yeol(宋時烈, 1607-1689). He represented learning and thought and undertaking of his academic circles and political circles, and handed down to his pupils. He thought his mission was "lighting the laws of heaven and aligning the human mind," "stopping the heretical study and repulsing uncivilization", to reform good virtues of humanity and justice. Kwon Sang-Ha was a successor of Song Si-Yeol, He succeeded learning and thought of his teacher and practiced "Upright"(直) and the Thought of ChunChu(春秋). He emphasized "Upright" as a fundamental principle, like his teacher. He thought ChuHsi(朱熹, 1130-1200) was the master who had inherited the spirit of Confucianism and Chosoen was the only country to successfully inherit this spirit of Confucianism. He declared any study counter to the study of ChuHsi as a rebellious pursuit. Therefore he rejected all other studies. He tried to "stop the heretical 'ism' and repulse uncivilization" and present this ideology as 'the Right way of Human Society(世道)'. He made efforts to reorganize books of ChuHsi to make perfect Book of righteousness with Song Si-Yeol. And he established Hwayang shrine, MandongMyo(萬東廟), Deabodan(大報壇) etc, in memory of fidelity and large rightness. Kwon Sang-Ha did these undertaking to establish 'Public morals and the Right way of Human Society(世道)' with self-confidence. In Dispute on the nature of man and animal(人物性同異論), he gives his approval to Han Won-Jin's opinion. Han Won-Jin's opinion was "the nature of man and animal is Different"(人物性異論). Whenever serious political accidents occurred, he took the lead to protect his teacher, Song Si-Yeol. The reason he did this was not because of his personal feelings for his teacher, but because of promoting 'Public morals(世道)' and 'Confucianism.' Kwon Sang-Ha regarded Mind control Law of "Upright" and the thought of ChunChu as his moralities, and was concerned about real politics and opposed social irregularities. Kwon Sang-Ha succeeded Song Si-Yeol's thought of "Upright" and volition of making an inroad on the Chung(淸), and gave to his political circles(Nolon; 老論) as a law of mind and mission.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.32
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• pp.189-213
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• 2008

When we say the core thought of the Analects of Confucius, we normally come up with 'Ren(仁)'. However, in the first phrase of Chapter One("學而") of the Analects, there is no mention about 'Humanity'. Then, why the editor of the Analects of Confucius had put the First Chapter at the opening of book? This paper aims to describe the fact that the First Chapter One of the Analects of Confucius implies the core thought of Kongzi(孔子). In the First Chapter One, the vocabularies, such as 'Pleasure'(說), 'Delight'(樂), and 'Confucian Gentlemen'(君子) are central to the phrasal structure. 'Pleasure'(說) is the phase to cultivate himself, or the phase to equip with a qualification in order 'to establish a righteous relation'. And 'Delight'(樂) is the stage to establish relationships with colleagues who share same value and ambition with himself. 'Confucian Gentlemen'(君子) is the stage to 'establish righteous relationships' with all people in the world, and it denotes an ideal human image presented by Kongzi(孔子). The core concepts of the First Chapter One are connected to the core thoughts of the Analects of Confucius, to wit, 'Ren'(仁), 'Shu'(恕), and 'Xiujizhiren'(修己治人). If 'Ren'(仁) and 'Shu'(恕) refer to specifically 'establishment of righteous relationship', then 'Pleasure'(說) is the stage to obtain qualification in order to 'establish righteous relationship', and 'Delight'(樂) is the stage to 'establish relationships' with brothers and colleagues, and 'Confucian Gentlemen'(君子) means a person who can build up 'righteous relationships' with all the people of the world. Regarding the Confucianism in 'Character building and guiding other souls' Confucius presents three phases, viz. 'Cultivation of himself in reverential carefulness'(修己以敬) ${\rightarrow}$ 'Cultivation of himself so as to give rest to others'(修己以安人) ${\rightarrow}$ 'Cultivation of himself so as to give rest to all the people'(修己以安百姓), and the se get through 'Pleasure'(說) ${\rightarrow}$ 'Delight'(樂) ${\rightarrow}$ 'Confucian Gentlemen'(君子) in the First Chapter One of the Analects of Kongzi(孔子). The human image, named 'Confucian Gentlemen'(君子) presented in the Chapter One is equated with the human who practices 'morality'(修養) that attained by means of 'cultivation'(實踐) through 'establishment of relationship'.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.23
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• pp.217-244
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• 2008

This research studied Minor Annotation of Elementary Learning("小學枝言") and Private Examination of Classic of the Mind("心經密驗") from the ethical perspective. Minor Annotation of Elementary Learning and Private Examination of Classic of the Mind are writings that play a role of bridge between Chinese classics(經學) and Theory of Statecraft(經世論). These two essays were written for the purpose of putting virtue into practice, which had been attained by studying Chinese classics, through a vehicle called Theory of Statecraft. If Minor Annotation of Elementary Learning called as a book of cultivation of outward morality or outward behavior, then Private Examination of Classic of the Mind is the book for cultivation of inward temperament. The 'practice' emphasized by Dasan through these two essays denotes ceaseless efforts toward goodness or virtue. Such efforts can be interpreted as 'ethical practice', if looked at from the perspective of aggressive struggle toward virtue. Dasan, in these two essays, had stressed to practice Good(善) through positive and lively actions. The matter of Good and Bad(善惡) in humans is not associated with their mind, but related to their practice. That is to say, humans may turn out to be good through means of 'ethical practice'. For Dasan, 'ethical practice' toward Good should have to be continued and upheld not only in the course of self-cultivation, but also in 'establishing relationship' with others. Such an assertion of Dasan was to lay emphasis on accomplishment of 'ethical practice' toward Good amid close relationship between personal and social ethics. Also, Dasan had emphasized free will(自由意志) in humans. This means that Good and Bad will be determined according to humans' free will, and to the same extent, that humans are responsible for its consequence. It is noted that Dasan had stressed that any human having free will should have to be a 'man of virtue'(君子) through means of 'ethical practice'.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.26
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• pp.71-106
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• 2008

The objective of this research is to reconstruct an aristocratic officer's travels by analysing Yu, hee-chun's diary, Miamilgi. Yu had kept his diary for eighty three months, from October 1567 to May 1577, and there were twenty six times of travel logs which are analysed in this research. As a result of the analysis, his travels can be divided into official travels and private travels. Sixteen times of official travels were comprised of inspection tours for parishes as a superintendent of Jeonra province, trips to supervise maintenance works of royal tombs and to worship the tombs, to carry out the sanjae (rituals in the mountains) as a second minister of the ministry of rites. It was difficult for him to have private travels as he continually served as a royal officer. He had got only 10 times of private travels during the eighty three months for maintaining the ancestor's tomb and worshiping the ancestors, for recuperating himself and his wife, and for constructing his new house. All of these travels were long-distance ones. In terms of his travel routes, he frequently used royal main trunks, e.g. 'Haenamro' (from Seoul to Damyang), which were maintained by the royal government. The main reason of his frequent using of trunk lines was that convenience facilities such as the royal post stations (Yeok) and royal inns (Won) were equipped well in these roads so it was easy to get horse change services and lodging and boarding. The fact that main trunks were chiefly straight lines and the shortest way was rather secondary reason. On the other hand, when he was a superintendent of Junra province, he had four times of round inspection on all parishes of Junra province, following the tour routs covering all over the province. As he was incumbent royal officer, he started his travel by getting a permission from the king. Simultaneously, he made ready some travel items. Among the items, horse was most important one for the journey. After finishing all the preparing processes before the departure, he had special farewell ceremony for the King, Sookbae, and had a small party with his friends called Jeonbeul. Main transportation means for his travel was horse, and many kinds of horses such as royal government's horse, Yeokma, local government's horse, Swema, as well as his private one were used. Additionally, he used a palanquin while he was doing inspection trip as a superintendent of Junra province. Yu was incumbent officer so he mostly lodged in local government guest houses. If he could not find out any local guest house, he was lodged in royal inn, and in his relatives houses or irregularly in buddhist temples. Most meals were supplied by local royal governments. The activities in his journeys were varied on his travel objectives. In his private journey, it was the main activities that maintaining ancestor's tombs and having a memorial service. During the trip, he visited his relatives. His official trips, on the other hand, had a regularity. Main activities were dealing with public works, and visiting Hyanggyo (country public school). However in the midway, he visited his relatives and had a journey to scenic places.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.279-304
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• 2008

This paper draws out the contents related to "Yuk(易)" Silhak(實學), and discusses the tendency in order to review the ideas shown in Wandang's Seodok(書牘). Also, it studies Taoism expressed in Seodok in terms of figuring out Wandang's Taoism. The features of his thoughts are following. The first one is the use of "Yuk(易)" for Soogichiin(修己治人). What he considered most important was Eumsiknamnyu(飮食男女) linked directly to the people's life. He maintained that a country must be ruled by doing Soogi(修己) with "Yuk(易)" and by making use of "Yuk(易)". The next one is both a view of Gyungsechiyong(經世致用) of Dongseoboolboon(東西不分) and a natural view of Iyonghooseng(利用厚生), standing on Silsagusi(實事求是). He actively accepted new learning and concepts those days, and he asserted that Western techniques should be even imitated for the sake of the nation. Thirdly, his view of Moowi(無爲) and Boolun(不言). He didn't use to do any Jakwi(作爲) of Jeosool(著述). This kind of view seems to save his life and be connected to Yangshin(養身) even though others tried to keep a jealous eye on and entrap him. Last, his concept of Jayeonsooneung(自然順應) and Jayeonhoigui(自然回歸). It is shown through his wish of farm work and his politics, saying that a king ought not to bind the people with faithfulness and propriety, and that he ought to rule the nation with humanity. In sum, Wandang's ideas shown in Seodok can be divided into two streams. One is Boshin(保身) through Moowijayeon(無爲自然), Boolun(不言), and Jayeonhoigui(自然回歸). The other is a pursuit of his studies for the purpose of Dukchi(德治) followed by Soogichiin, Kyongsechiyong, Iyonghooseng, and Injung. Here, since Boshin can be said to be advanced Soogi, and Soogichiin and others are connected directly to people's comfortable life, they can be integrated to Soogiianbaeksung(修己以安百姓). In other words, his thoughts were based on the fusion of Confucianism and Taoism, and he aimed at Soogiianbaeksung by accepting and using to take a look at the change of period and learning.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.32
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• pp.425-441
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• 2008

Most of Korea's Kyungmaedorock(auction book: 競賣圖錄) and pictorial record of exhibitions in the modern times were usually published in the 1930s. Although 1930s were periods of the Great Depression when economic slump continued because of the aftereffect of the slump in the stocks issued by the US in 1929, during this period, Japan began regular continental invasion starting from invasion of the northeastern area of China. To curio dealers, the 1930s were 'boom period of curio transaction' and in urban cultural aspects, the period is evaluated as the one when the first step of modernism was formed. Collection, photo-printing and arrangement of the data related to modern exhibitions including the Auction Book being published at that time are very important because they enable us to know characteristics of fine arts in the transition period from paintings & writings to fine arts in addition to enabling us to revert the circulation history of our paintings & writings and curios. Furthermore, these data will become important data for reconstitution of the circulation history of the Eastern Asia's modern art works. Although the pictorial record of Joseon's Exhibitions of Chinaware and Wooden Works(朝鮮陶磁木工展) is a small and thin one, it records our country's high level chinaware and wooden works. Although we can't know the exact time for 'Joseon's exhibitions of chinaware and wooden works', they are assumed to have been held in Tokyo, Japan in the 1930s and there seems to have been sale of works, too. As such, studies of the books such as the auction book and exhibitions under Japanese imperialism have the first importance in the fact that through which we can examine the course of outflow of our art works to Japan. Furthermore, they can be studies of art-sociology that examine flow and phase of recognition and taste of art works of those days. And from now on, comparative studies of auctions and exhibitions being held in Japan such as Tokyo, Osaka and etc. as well as art markets in Seoul during modern times would also be necessary.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.23
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• pp.7-65
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• 2008

The object of this essay is to apply the Leadership Theory, current interest in Asian Philosophy, to Korean appliance. This is to associate contemporary Leadership Theory with Chosun Confucianism in order to discover the Korean Leadership Prototype, and seek the possibility of applying it for modern usage. The essay uses two analysis models. The tools used for the methodology consists of the personal characteristics of the leader as one axis and ruling out the roles in order to develop the discussion as the other axis. First axis is the process of the leader setting the identity and strengthening the ability to successfully deploy his/her leadership. The second axis is comprised of four specific fields where the leadership is deployed. The four sectors are Self Sector, Relationship Sector, Team Sector and Community Sector. Core values of each sector have been set up and specific competences have been presented. In the Self Sector, $zh{\grave{i}}x{\bar{i}}n$(治心) and $ch{\acute{i}}j{\grave{i}}ng$(持敬) have been set as core values and $l{\grave{i}}zh{\grave{i}}$(立志) and $sh{\acute{i}}x{\bar{i}}n$(實心) as their competences. In the Relationship Sector and Team Sector, circumstances(時宜) and $sh{\acute{i}}sh{\grave{i}}g{\bar{e}}ngzh{\bar{a}}ng$(實事更張) were set as core values, accordingly. Lastly for the Community sector, the core value, 'Ideal Leader and the Visions of and Ideal Community', was conceptualized as '$m{\grave{ui}}m{\acute{i}}nzh{\grave{i}}zh{\grave{i}}$(牧民至治)'. The leadership is then expanded from the Self Sector to the final stage through its processes. Through this research, it can be found out that the Korean Leadership Model is not rigid to just cover a specific point in time or situation, but embraces many contemporary leadership concepts, thus having the characteristics of a comprehensive leadership theory.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.32
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• pp.129-158
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• 2008

After Four-Seven debate in late 16C, Korean Neo-Confucian scholars had developed their theories on human nature and morality such as Insimdosimsoel (theories on the moral emotion and desire), Inmulsoengron(theories on human nature and animal nature), Mibalsimcheron(theories on the calm mind as the embodiment of morality). Confucian scholars had been active member of society since acceptance of Neo-Confucianism. They had the plans of social reforms on the basis of moral self cultivation from the elite Confucians to commoners. So the Confucian scholar took part in the foundation of new Confucian kingdom, the Joseon Dynasty(1392). Kwon gun(1352~1409), the famous Neo-Confucian scholar wrote Iphakdosoel(pictogram for beginer of Neo-Confucianism) which emphasized the importance of moral self cultivation and that the mandate of heaven in human nature is identical with Li, the moral principle which the origin of the human intrinsic moral ability as the basis of unity with man and heaven. He thought that ethical life is identical with mandate of heaven, so he insisted all the member of society should follow Li, the moral principle which the origin of human morality and social goodness. Also he emphasized the morality was the intrinsic and most important value of human being. Therefore ethical life became essential part of self cultivation. Joeng Ji-un(1509~1561) wrote the Chunmyongdosoel (pictogram of mandate of Heaven), the start point of Four-Seven debate in mid 16C. Joeng followed Kwon's theoretical line. He emphasized the importance of moral self cultivation and the human intrinsic moral ability. He wrote that the Four moral emotions arise from Li, the moral principle of mind, while Seven emotions arise from Ki, vital force of body. He insisted that human being should control Ki, the vital force to follow the Li, the moral principle of mind. This Korean Confucian scholars developed theories of morality and self cultivation. This theories not only show the philosophical speculation of Korean Confucian scholars but also show the social idealism and moral utopianism which grounded on the human morality. So they had trust in human morality which can guide human being into the right track to the good and peaceful society. These tendencies are main characteristics of Korean Neo-Confucianism which has seen from the begining of acceptance of Neo-Confucianism. Some modern philosophical criticism which insist the Korean Neo-Confucian theories such as Four-Senven theories was indulged in academic discussion are not only neglect the historical realty but also ignore the potential of Korean Neo-Confucian heritage.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.32
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• pp.103-128
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• 2008

King Jeongjo had lost his father, Sado-Seja(Prince Sado) by Noron(Older Faction). Especially those who tried to kill Sado-Seja and king Jeongjo consisted of king's family-in-law of king Youngjo and Sado-Seja. Therefore king Jeongjo's first goal was to strengthen his kingship than other things because he could gain the throne overcoming the strong hinderance of Noron and king's family-in-law. King Jeongjo requested his subjects to be "Kukbyon-In"(國邊人: a person for king) pointing out the harm of the king's family-in-law and "Tangpyong-Dang"(蕩平黨: the strongest faction consisted under the rule of king Youngjo). For the purpose, king Jeongjo built up "Gyujang-Gak". Gyujang-Gak was spoken to contain and protect the writings of earlier kings superficially, but in reality, it was an apparatus to gain and train the friendly subjects for king Jeongjo. Like that, it was the most important for king Jeongjo to suppress the king's family-in-low and to win Neo-Confucian lterati over to himself's side. Until now, the politics of Joseon Dynasty had been mainly explained on the point of view of "Seonghak-Non"(聖學論). "Seonghak-Non" means that Neo-Confucian lterati were treated as real hero, not kings in the political space of Joseon Dynasty and the role of factions were recognized important. But king Jeongjo denied these ideological stream and tried to change that political system. King Jeongjo wanted to strengthen the throne through the method which insisted the king as a hero in politics. For the purpose, king Jeongjo criticized the Neo-Confucian literati's viewpoint about politics and learning at that time and anticipated to be sole leader of politics and learning on that critique. King Jeongjo aimed to destroy the dignity of "Salim"(山林: Neo-Confucian Sages) with attacking their wrong behaviors. King Jeongjo also criticized the period of king Injo when the regime of "Sarim"(士林: pure Neo-Confucian lterati) faction fully appeared as the starting period when the factional harms were getting worse. King Jeongjo wanted to previously block the oppositions to win subjects over to himself's side with criticizing the period of king Injo and to take away the initiative from his opponents with insisting "Salim-Muyongnon"(山林無用論: a theory ignoring Neo-Confucian Sages). King Jeongjo's critique was not limited just on the system of factional politics. "Seonghak-Non" eventually took root in Neo-Confucianism. Therefore king Jeongjo criticized Neo-Confucianism. He insisted that the essence of Chinese Classics was pragmatical learning, not Neo-Confucianism. Through that critique, king Jeongjo aimed to destroy the ideological base of his opponents. However, king Jeongjo failed to be a sole leader of his subjects in the both boundaries of politics and learning even though he criticized the Neo-Confucian lterati's viewpoint about politics and learning. Because he abruptly died leaving his reformational scheme behind as well as his loyal subjects guarding himself against Noron Byeok-Pa(老論 ?派: the opposing party in Older Faction) were gone behind himself. The politics of Joseon Dynasty returned to more powerful politics for king's family-in-law after king Jeongjo's death.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.23
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• pp.275-294
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• 2008

The specific concern of 'Xing'(形) & 'Shen'(神) theory is considering the body and the soul of human being. If either of the body and the soul including the life of human as of basic items is not existed, it may not seem to be alive. A great number of philosophers during 'Dong-Jin Northern & Southern Dynasty'(東晉南北朝) had the most active and furthest discussion throughout the history of China to study the concerns; Having a question such as "Where the body and the soul come out around us?", "What is the essence of complicated and delicate mental operation?" "Are there any relationships between the body and the soul?" and then "How do the human soul exist after death?" First, during 'Don-Jin' period as body and soul theory was based on 'Yin'(陰) and 'Yang'(陽). 'He Cheng Tian'(何承天) said that everything which was burn on earth should die because the soul couldn't stay the dead body longer. In the same age, 'Ming Fo Run'(明佛論) and 'Da Xing Run'(達性論) which denied that the soul couldn't exist forever were main topics of the discuss among the distinguished philosophers. Next, during 'Northern & Southern dynasty', body and soul theory was divided into two. First of all, body and soul of 'Heng Cun'(恒存) might be harmonized, however, that was not perfectly put together. Because, after human death, even if the body of human might be existed, the soul left elsewhere but always stayed around us. The body was the soul which meant that the soul was to the nature of the body and the body was to the usage of soul. Many philosophers insisted that nobody meant no soul according to 'Shen Bu Mie Run'(神不滅論) and 'Shen Mie Run'(神滅論) which was the main topic as an academic argument in those days. Finally, during Dong-Jin dynasty covered the significance of Body and Soul theory and analyzed the influence into the history of the history philosophy in china.