• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.68
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• pp.243-279
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• 2021

Rep. Roh Hoe-chan is a representative politician in Korean progressive politics. From the labor movement to the workers' political organization movement, they devoted themselves to the movement to build a progressive party. As a member of the 17th, 19th, and 20th National Assembly, he carried out legislative activities. The record he left is the record of the political power of workers, the record of the progressive party, and the record of a politician who suffers and practices. Also, as the son of a displaced person, as a student activist suffering from the restoration period, it is also a record of a human being of cultural literacy who played the cello. Archivist's basic research is expected to play a role in creating a virtuous cycle of archive management by structuring the archive and presenting various access points to various users, allowing more diverse research and use in the future.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.31-70
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• 2017

On December 9, 2016, the decision of impeachment of the National Assembly decided against Park Geun-hye came from the nomination conflicts of the 20th general election between Pro-Park group and Anti-Park group at the ruling Saenuri Party. Therefore, this study focused on the nomination conflicts of the ruling party and the opposition party on the election results in the 20th general election on the public sentiment of the people. The nomination conflicts of the ruling and opposite parties were a prelude to the victory of the 19th presidential election, and it was serious faction conflict. Firstly, the study examined how the nomination conflicts of each party were centered on President Park Geun-hye as well as the leaders of each party and the chairman of the nomination committee. Secondly, the study examined what kind of changes would be made to the composition of presidential candidates for each party at the time of the presidential election. Thirdly, the study examined the opposition parties' separation between the Minjoo Party of Korea and the People's Party of Korea before and after the election and the issue of initiative in Honam. As a result of the analysis, the 20th general election failed to obtain a majority seat of the ruling Saenuri Party, and the opposition won and formed the majority. The reason why President Park and Saenuri were greatly defeated in the contest even in the situation where the opposition parties were divided is the root cause in the attitude of Pro-Park group and Anti-Park group who assumed their victory. Therefore, it is highly possible to render its responsibility to President Park Geun-hye, who has become a 'past power', and it has opened up the possibility that the emergence of future power by opposition parties. In the case of the opposition party, it is clear that the battle for Honam, which is a traditional opposition party's support group, is a matter of good fortune of the two major powers, Moon Jae In and Ahn Cheol Soo.

• Journal of Korea Multimedia Society
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.43-51
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• 2014

Social Network Service has the sufficient potential can be widely and effectively used for various fields of society because of convenient accessibility and definite user opinion. Above all Twitter has characteristics of simple and open network formation between users and remarkable real-time diffusion. However, real analysis is accompanied by many difficulties because of semantic analysis in 140-characters, the limitation of Korea natural language processing and the technical problem of Twitter is own restriction. This thesis paid its attention to human's political attitudes showing permanence and assumed that if applying it to the analytic design, it would contribute to the increase of precision and showed it through the experiment. As a result of experiment with Tweet corpus gathered during the election of national assemblymen on 11st April 2012, it could be known to be considerably similar compared to actual election result. The precision of 75.4% and recall of 34.8% was shown in case of individual Tweet analysis. On the other hand, the performance improvement of approximately 8% and 5% was shown in by-timeline political attitude analysis of user.

• Journal of Sasang Constitutional Medicine
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• v.19 no.3
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• pp.206-216
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• 2007

1. Objectives This Study recognize of the 17th Korean Assemblymen's Sasang Constitutional distribution and investigates Sasang Constitutional distribution of special group. 2. Methods The Questionnaire of Sasang Constitution was distributed to Korean Assemblymen's. The next, 2 persons of Sasang Constitutional Specialist interview directly, record of Korean Assemblymen's voice with PSSC and then concluded Sasang Constitution. 3. Results 1. After analysed Sasang Constitution with Questionnaire, We acquired zero person Taeyangin, sixteen persons Soyangin, nine persons Taeumin, zero person Soeumin. But, after direct interview examination, We acquired one person Taeyangin, seven persons Soyangin, twenty-two persons Taeumin, five persons Soeumin. 2. Soyangin rates was 20% practically, but Soyangin rates of amination with Questionnaire was 46%. Because Soyangin in Korean Assemblymen's expressed extrovert for oneself. 3. Taeumin constituted nineteen persons with Questionnaire, accounted for 54%. But Taeumin constituted twenty-two persons in direct interview examination, accounted for 63%. 4. Conclusions 1. In Uri Patty, Soyangin rates was 21%, Taeumin rates was 63%, Soeumin rates was 16%, Taeyangin rates was 0 %. The group of Taeyangin and Soyangin with activity and progression marked 21 %, the group of Taeumin and Soeumin with conservativeness marked 79%. 2. Grand National Parry, Soyangin rates was 14%, Taeumin rates was 64.3%, Soeumin rates was 14.3%, Taeyangin rates was 7.1 %. The group of Taeyangin and Soyangin with activity and progression marked 21.6%, the group of Taeumin and Soeumin with conservativeness marked 78.6%. 3. In comparison Uri Patty with Grand National Party, the rates of active Constitution marked 21.0% and 21.6% be much of a muchness. and in comparison Uri Parry with Grand National Parry, the rates of conservative Constitution marked 79.0% and 78.6% be much of a muchness.

• Resources Recycling
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• v.25 no.6
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• pp.82-91
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• 2016

The framework act on resource circulation was got through the Korea National Assembly in May, 2016. It is the most important to analyze and understand its purpose, main contents, and policy direction of the framework act because this act will lead the resource circulation policy. Korea government is going to enact subordinate statutes such as its enforcement decree and regulation to enforce the act in January, 2018. No later than enforcement of the act, its subordinate statutes should be studied indepth and consulted without any bias in order to satisfy the intent - promotion of transition toward a resource circulation society - of the act. Therefore, in this study, the points in dispute in the act are indicated and the issues and specific directions of key articles are reviewed. The ideas to maximize the effectiveness of its subordinate statutes are also suggested.

• Asia-pacific Journal of Multimedia Services Convergent with Art, Humanities, and Sociology
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• v.8 no.10
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• pp.883-893
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• 2018

The inflow of Labor Migrants has been grown up to 600,000 people until now with the adoption of Employment Permit System (EPS) in 2004 until now. However the institutional support lack to ensure their rights and improve their conditions. This is because of their consideration ad temporary labors in South Korean society and labor forces rather than the objects of integration. As a result, the legal status and rights of migrant workers are criticized for their utilization rather than human rights, and human rights protection is insufficient. To this context, this paper analyzed the 19th presidential election pledge of the four political parties (Democratic Party, the Liberty Korea Party, Bareun Party and Justice Party) the majority of the Korean National Assembly, and predicted how the policies of migrant workers would evolve. The study found that there were two political parties that did not mention policies for migrant workers, and the remaining two parties also maintained their current policies. This is probably the biggest reason to recognize migrant workers as temporary residents. However, they should also be aware of the fact, that migrant workers are the members of the Korean society and are the owners of human rights that should be guaranteed, and should consider the policy directions to live with them.