• Korea and Global Affairs
• /
• v.2 no.1
• /
• pp.5-44
• /
• 2018

The Buma Uprising, which took place in Busan and Masan from 16 to 20 October 1979, was a challenge against the contradictions of the Yushin Regime. Only after 6 days from the insurrection, the 10 26 Accident transpired, in which the then president Park Chung-hee was assassinated, and the Buma Uprising, which acted as the fuse to the shooting, remained as an 'incomplete uprising'. To commensurate with the subject of the paper 'The Truth about Buma Uprising and Historical Reflection', the purpose of this study is to explore how the uprising began, unfolded, and oppressed by comparing it with Busan Uprising and Masan Uprising. It also focuses to discuss, in detail, the effect of the demonstration by college students and the general public and suppression by the forces of the police and military on President Park and his government. This year, we celebrate the 39th anniversary of Buma Uprising, and with all the issues of discovering the truth, restoration of reputation and more, there are decisions and resolves to make including amendment of the legal system. However, there are certain groups of people who act as they led the uprising and mislead and exploit the facts of the events through illegitimate records and testimony, making it impossible to determine the truth. Discovering the truth will require acquisition of objective materials, testimony of those involved in the event and field research as well as imposition of legal and social punishment on those who distorted the truth about the event.

• Korea and Global Affairs
• /
• v.3 no.2
• /
• pp.5-58
• /
• 2019

The purpose of this article is to bring about 10.26 accident by providing a fuse for the overthrow of the Park Chung-hee administration in the 10.18 Buma uprising. So, first of all, this article has a main purpose in analyzing the comparison between Masan's 3.15 uprising and 10.18 Buma uprising. The purpose of the study is to compare the 3.15 democratic movement in Masan with the 10.18 Buma uprising, given that the incident laid the foundation for the dictator to be overthrown in the event of an anti-dictatorial movement in Masan. The research method of this article is intended to be used as a research method in the 3.15 and 10.18 protests, given that if a person in power conducts election fraud or suppresses anti-government movements in order to maintain the system, it could lead to the destruction of those in power. In the end, the Masan 3.15 uprising and 10.18 uprising failed to reach a direct attempt to overthrow the regime due to unfinished democratic movements, but with the revolution of 4.19 and the massive political transformation of 10.26 Accident, he achieved the leading role theory that allowed the Rhee Syngman and Park Chung-hee administrations. In eradicating authoritarian regimes, however, the historic significance of the democratization movement was that the authoritarian regime eventually brought about the collapse of the regime by making a hard-line stance on election schemes or popular protests over the trap of power boomerang, which causes the regime to collapse.

• Korea and Global Affairs
• /
• v.1 no.2
• /
• pp.5-32
• /
• 2017

5.18 Gwangju Democratization Movement was approved as a legal democratization movement by president Kim Young Sam in May 1993 and was approved as a global recording inheritance by UNESCO in May 2011 for the honor of Gwangju citizens to be restored. However, assessment on this until today after 35 years of occurrence is not nationally unified and the mind of Gwangju maybe only remembered as pride by Gwangju. There are several factors of this continuing situation but this researcher thinks the biggest factor is that professionals reanalyzing the truth ascertainment fitting spirit of the times who are in charge of citizen education are intensively distributed in Jeolla-do and Seoul. Moreover, the journal unlikely assessing 5.18 have enemies in the assailant area during activity that unity is not taking place with divided assessments and trapped in Honam. This study judges that the reason the meaning of 5.18 is trapped in Honam and not nationally unified is because of the limit of "adversary system." Especially researchers who should analyze and explain this incident in a objective views are bias distributed (Gwangju Jeolla-do> Seoul>Gyeongnam) in hometown areas that the possibility of 5.18 meaning not being unified was focused. Academic research studies, journal writers, and publication locations are divided in this study to reveal they are bias distributed and reveal that there is possibility that this biased distribution of researches are becoming obstacles in overcoming regionality.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
• /
• no.48
• /
• pp.141-179
• /
• 2016

In May 2011, the 1980 Archives for the May 18th Democratic Uprising or the "5 18 Gwangju Democratization Movement" were registered as a UNESCO Memory of the World. This historic moment told the world that the 5 18 movement is a valuable and historical asset. However, despite the international recognition, archives that deny of such facts are still rampant because of misdirected standings and prejudices. These sources even develop discourses by distorting the archives to justify their claims. Accordingly, the study aimed to identify how these sources form ideologies surrounding the 5 18 movement discourses, which are characteristic of extreme social standings. It explored the possibility of the distortion of archives presented for each discourse and reconsidered the archivists' positions and roles to cope with such possibility. In addition, the author aims to suggest a more systemic strategy to advance the existing responses against the distortions, as well as provide discourses that are based on true and accurate archives mainly to students who have not yet been introduced to such distorted discourses. In the future, archivists shall try to develop positive awareness about the 5 18 discourses rather than maintain passive positions that provide information from limited archives. Through this, it is expected that this study will advance future analyses that would be effective against the distortion of archives.

• Issues in Feminism
• /
• v.18 no.2
• /
• pp.149-206
• /
• 2018

This essay is focused on finding women's voice in oral narratives of social memory of national violence and resistance. The books of oral narratives of women who had experienced the national violence and participated in the resistance through historic events such as 5.18, have been published recently. This study is based on the materials that have interviewed women experienced the historic event '5.18' in Gwangju. In this study, there are analyses of the materials of the memory of violence and resistance of '5.18', which have contained the texts written by intellectual males and the oral narratives of females directly involved. So far, the memory and experience of women have not been presented in its entirety in the field of social discourse of '5.18'. In the field women's words were translated in men's words, so the real words disappeared and in the end remained unspoken words. And besides, the existence of women are substituted with the limited images (for example women's body destroyed) presented by men's words in memorial materials. In narratives of '5.18', women are reduced to the images of bodies destroyed by national violence. The destroyed bodies are places for exhibition and disclosure of national violence. Women are not presented as the subjects of the social resistance in oral or written narratives of '5.18'. The images of females are only vehicles to urge the male subjects to resist against unjust violence. In this context, men are interpreted for the protectors of sisters, daughters, wives. Since 1980s, the symbol of '5.18 Gwangju' has represented the most ideal community in Korean society. But women have been on the borderline or outside of the community in fact. However, women intend to construct themselves as the subjects of resistance through the spoken words. They have tried to make the politic places for themselves in the social field by speaking and speaking constantly. The desire to speak out is becoming stronger for women, so these days more words are spoken by more women and more oral narratives made by women are revealed in social discoursive field. So the place for women's voice is expanding in social memorial field of '5.18'.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.32 no.4
• /
• pp.24-36
• /
• 2014

The result of the research conducted for the purpose of investigating the semantic value and the layout of the Cheongryu Gugok of Dorimsa Valley, which exhibits a high level of completeness and scenic preservation value among the three gugoks distributed in the area around Mt. Dongak of Gogseong is as follows.4) The area around Cheongryu Gugok shows a case where the gugok culture, which has been enjoyed as a model of the Neo-Confucianism culture and bedrock scenery, such as waterfall, riverside, pond, and flatland, following the beautiful valley, has been actually substituted, and is an outstanding scenery site as stated in a local map of Gokseong-hyeon in 1872 as "Samnam Jeil Amban Gyeryu Cheongryu-dong(三南第一巖盤溪流 淸流洞: Cheongryu-dong, the best rock mooring in the Samnam area)." Cheongryu Gugok, which is differentiated through the seasonal scenery and epigrams established on both land route and waterway, was probably established by the lead of Sun-tae Jeong(丁舜泰, ?~1916) and Byeong-sun Cho(曺秉順, 1876~1921) before 1916 during the Japanese colonization period. However, based on the fact that a number of Janggugiso of ancient sages, such as political activists, Buddhist leaders, and Neo-Confucian scholars, have been established, it is presumed to have been utilized as a hermit site and scenery site visited by masters from long ago. Cheongryu Gugok, which is formed on the rock floor of the bed rock of Dorimsa Valley, is formed in a total length of 1.2km and average gok(曲) length of 149m on a mountain type stream, which appears to be shorter compared to other gugoks in Korea. The rock writings of the three gugoks in Mt. Dongak, such as Cheongryu Gugok, which was the only one verified in the Jeonnam area, total 165 in number, which is determined to be the assembly place for the highest number of rock writings in the nation. In particular, a result of analyzing the rock writings in Cheongryu Gugok totaling 112 places showed 49pieces(43.8%) with the meaning of 'moral training' in epigram, 21pieces (18.8%) of human life, 16pieces(14.2%) of seasonal scenery, and 12pieces(10.6%) of Janggugiso such as Jangguchur, and the ratio occupied by poem verses appeared to be six cases(3.6%). Sweyeonmun(鎖烟門), which was the first gok of land route, and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon(除是人間別有天) which was the ninth gok of the waterway, corresponds to the Hongdanyeonse(虹斷烟鎖) of the first gok and Jesiinganbyeolyucheon of the ninth gok established in Jaecheon, Chungbuk by Se-hwa Park(朴世和, 1834~1910), which is inferred to be the name of Gugok having the same origin. In addition, the Daeeunbyeong(大隱屛) of the sixth gok. of land route corresponds to the Chu Hsi's Wuyi-Gugok of the seventh gok, which is acknowledged as the basis for Gugok Wollim, and the rock writings and stonework of 'Amseojae(巖棲齋)' and 'Pogyeongjae(抱經齋)' between the seventh gok and eighth gok is a trace comparable with Wuyi Jeongsa(武夷精舍) placed below Wuyi Gugok Eunbyeon-bong, which is understood to be the activity base of Cheongryu-dong of the Giho Sarim(畿湖士林). The rock writings in the Mt. Dongak area, including famous sayings by masters such as Sunsaeuhje(鮮史御帝, Emperor Gojong), Bogahyowoo(保家孝友, Emperor Gojong), Manchunmungywol(萬川明月, King Joengjo), Biryeobudong(非禮不動, Chongzhen Emperor of the Ming Dynasty)', Samusa(思無邪, Euijong of the Ming Dynasty), Baksechungpwoong(百世淸風, Chu Hsi), and Chungryususuk-Dongakpungkyung(淸流水石 動樂風景, Heungseon Daewongun) can be said to be a repository of semantic symbolic cultural scenery, instead of only expressing Confucian aesthetics. In addition, Cheongryu Gugok is noticeable with its feature as a cluster of cultural scenery of the three religions of Confucian-Buddhism-Taoism, where the Confucianism value system, Buddhist concept, and Taoist concept co-exists for mind training and cultivation. Cheongryu Gugok has a semantic feature and spatial character as a basis for history and cultural struggle for the Anti-Japan spirit that has been conceived during the process of establishing and utilizing the spirit of the learning, loyalty for the Emperor and expulsion of barbarians, and inspiration of Anti-Japan force, by inheriting the sense of Dotong(道統) of Neo-Confucianism by the Confucian scholar class at the end of the Joseon era that is represented by Ik-hyun Choi(崔益鉉, 1833~1906), Woo Jeon(田愚, 1841~1922), Woo-man Gi(奇宇萬, 1846~1916), Byung-sun Song(宋秉璿, 1836~1905), and Hyeon Hwang(黃玹, 1855~1910).