• Archives of design research
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.63-97
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• 1989

There is nothing more important than the form and function in design, because every design product can be done on the basis of them. Form and Function are already existed before the word of design has been appeared and all the natural and man-made things' basic organization is based on their organic relations. The organic relations is the source of vitality which identifies the subsistance of all the objects and the evolution of living creatures has been changed their appearances by the natural law and order. Design is no exception. Design is a man-made organic thing which is developed its own way according to the purposed aim and given situations. If so, what is the ultimate goal of design. It is without saying that the goal is to make every effort to contribute to the -human beings most desirable life by the designer who is devoting himself to their convenience and well-being. Therefore, the designer can be called the man of rich life practitioner. This word implies a lot of meanings since the essence of design is improving the guality of life by the man-made things which are created by the designer. Also, the things are existed through the relations between form and function, and the things can keep their value when they are answered to the right purpose. In design, thus, it is to be a main concern how to create valuable things and to use them in the right way, and the subject of study is focused on the designer's outlook of value and uk relations between form and function. Christopher Alexander mentioned the importance of form as follows. The ultimate object of design is form. Every design problem begins with an effort to achieve fittness between the form and its context. The form is the solution to the problem: the context defmes the problem. In other words, when we speak of design, the real object of discussion is not form alone, but the ensemble comprising the form and its context. Good fit is a desirable property of this ensemble which relates to some particular division of the ensemble into form and context. Max Bill mainatined how important form is in design. Form represents a self-contained concept, and its embodiment in an object results in that object becoming a work of art. Futhermore, this explains why we use form so freguently in a comparative sense for determining whether one thing is less or more beautiful than another, and why the ideal of absolute beauty is always the standard by which we appraise form, and through form, art itself. Hence form has became synonymous with beauty. On the other hand, Laszlo Moholy-Nagy stated the importance of function as follows. Function means the task an object is designed to fulfill the task instrument is shaping the form. Unfortunately, this principle was not appreciated at the same time but through the endeavors of Frank Lloyd Wright and of the Bauhaus group and its many collegues in Europe, the idea of functionalism became the keynote of the twenites. Functionalism soon became a cheap slogan, however, and its original meaning blurred. It is neccessary to reexamine it in the light of present circumstances. Charles William Eliot expressed his idea on the relations between function and beauty. Beauty often results chiefly from fittness: indeed it is easy to manitain that nothing is fair except what is fit its uses or functions. If the function of the product of a machine be useful and valuable, an the machine be eminently fit for its function, it conspicuously has the beauty of fittness. A locomotive or a steamship has the same sort of beauty, derived from the supreme fittness for its function. As functions vary, so will those beauty..vary. However, it is impossible to study form and function in separate beings. Function can't be existed without form, and without function, form is nothing. In other words, form is a function's container, and function is content in form. It can be said that, therefore, the form and function are indispensable and commensal individuals which have coetemal relations. From the different point of view, sometimes, one is more emphasized than the other, but in this case, the logic is only accepted on the assumption of recognizing the importance of the other's entity. The fact can be proved what Frank Hoyd wright said that form and function are one. In spite of that, the form and function should be considered as independent indivisuals, because they are too important to be treated just as the simple single one. Form and function have flexible properties to the context. In other words, the context plays a role as the barometer to define the form and function, also which implies every meaning of surroun'||'&'||'not;dings. Thus, design is formed under the influence of situations. Situations are dynamic, like the design process itself, in which fixed focus can be cripping. Moreover, situations control over making the good design. Judging from the respect, I defined the good design in my thesis An Analytic Research on Desigh Ethic, "good design is to solve the problem by the most proper way in the situations." Situations are changeable, and so is design. There is no progress without change, but change is not neccessarily progress. It is highly desirable that there changes be beneficial to mankind. Our main problem is to be able to discriminate between that which should be discarded and that which should be kept, built upon, and improved. Form and Function are no exception. The practical function gives birth to the inevitable form and the $$\mu$ti-classified function is delivered to the varieties of form. All of these are depended upon changeable situations. That is precisely the situations of "situation de'||'&'||'not;sign", the concept of moving from the design of things to the design of the circumstances in which things are used. From this point of view, the core of form and function is depended upon how the designer can manage it efficiently in given situations. That is to say that the creativity designer plays an important role to fulfill the purpose. Generally speaking, creativity is the organization of a concept in response to a human need-a solution that is both satisfying and innovative. In order to meet human needs, creative design activities require a special intuitive insight which is set into motion by purposeful imagination. Therefore, creativity is the most essential quality of every designer. In addition, designers share with other creative people a compulsive ingenuity and a passion for imaginative solutions which will meet their criteria for excellence. Ultimately, it is said that the form and function is the matter which belongs to the desire of creative designers who constantly try to bring new thing into being to create new things. In accordance with that the main puppose of this thesis is to catch every meaning of the form and function and to close analyze their relations for the promotion of understanding and devising practical application to gradual progression in design. The thesis is composed of four parts: Introduction, Form, Function and Conclusion. Introduction, the purpose and background of the research are presented. In Chapter I, orgin of form, perception of form, and classification of form are studied. In Chapter II, generation of function, development of function, and diversification of function are considered. Conclusion, some concluding words are mentioned.ioned.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.9
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• pp.432-552
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• 1996

The influence of the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era(金元代) on the completion of the medicine in the Chosun dynasty(朝鮮朝) can be summarized as follows. 1. The four noted physicians of Geum-Won era were Yoo-Wan-So(劉完素), Jang-Jong-Jung(張從正), Lee-Go(李杲), Ju-Jin-Heung(朱震亨). 2. Yoo-Wan-So(劉完索) made his theory on the basic of Nae-Kyung("內經") and Sane-Han-Lon("傷寒論"), his idea of medicine was characterized in his books, for exemple, application of O-Oon-Yuk-Ki(五運六氣), Ju-Wha theory(主火論) and hang-hae-seng-je theory(亢害承制論). from his theory and method of study, many deviations of oriental medicine occurred. He made an effort for study of Nae-Kyung, which had been depressed for many years, on the contrary of the way old study that Nae-Kyung had been only explained or revised, he applied the theory of Nae-Kyung to clinical care. The theory of Yuk-Gi-Byung-Gi(六氣病機) and On-Yeul-Byung(溫熱病) had much influenced on his students and posterities, not to mention Jang-Ja-Wha and Ju-Jin-Heung, who were among the four noted physicians therefore he became the father of Yuk-Gi(六氣) and On-Yeul(溫熱) schools. 3. Jang-Jong-Jung(張從正) emulated Yoo-Wan-So as a model, and followed his Yuk-Gi-Chi-Byung(六氣致病) theory, but he insisted on the use of the chiaphoretic, the emetic and the paregoric to get rid of the causes, specially he insisted on the use of the paregoric, so they called him Gong-Ha-Pa(攻下派). He insisted on the theory that if we would strenthen ourselves we should use food, id get rid of cause, should use the paregoric, emetic and diaphoretic. Jang-Jong-Jung'S Gang-Sim-Wha(降心火) theory, which he improved Yoo-Wan-So's Han-Ryang(寒凉) theory influenced to originate Ju-Jin-Heung'S Ja-Eum-Gang-Wha(滋陰降火) theory. 4. Lee-Go(李杲) insisted on the theory that Bi-Wi(脾胃) played a loading role in the physiological function and pathological change, and that the internal disease was originated by the need of Gi(氣) came from the disorder of digestive organs, and that the causes of internal disease were the irregular meal, the overwork, and mental shock. Lee-Go made an effort for study about the struggle of Jung-Sa(正邪) and in the theory of the prescription he asserted the method of Seung-Yang-Bo-Gi(升陽補氣), but he also used the method of Go-Han-Gang-Wha(苦寒降火). 5. The authors of Eui-Hak-Jung-Jun("醫學正傳"), Eui-Hak-Ib-Moon("醫學入門"), and Man-Byung-Whoi-Choon("萬病回春") analyzed the medical theory of the four noted physicians and added their own experiences. They helped organizing existing complicated theories of the four noted physicians imported in our country, and affected the formation of medical science in the Choson dynasty largely. Eui-Hak-Jung-Jun("醫學正傳") was written by Woo-Dan(虞槫), in this book, he quoted the theories of Yoo-Wan-So, Jang-Jong-Jung, Lee-Go, Ju-Jin-Heung, especially, Ju-Jin-Heung was respected by him, it affected the writing of Eui-Lim-Choal-Yo("醫林撮要"). Eui-Hak-ib-Moon("醫學入門"), written by Lee-Chun(李杲), followed the medical science of Lee-Go and ju-jin-heung from the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era. Its characteristics of Taoism, idea of caring of health, and organization affected Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham("東醫寶鑑"). Gong-Jung-Hyun(龔延賢) wrote Man-Byung-Whoi-Choon("萬病回春") using the best part of the theories of Yoo-Wan-So, Jang-Jong-Jung, Lee-Go, Ju-Jin-Heung, this book affected Dong-Eui-Soo-Se-Bo-Won("東醫壽世保元") partly. 6. our medical science was developed from the experience of the treatment of disease obtained from human life, these medical knowledge was arranged and organized in Hyang-Yak-Jib-Sung-Bang("鄕藥集成方"), medical books imported from China was organized in Eui-Bang-Yoo-Chwi("醫方類聚"), which formed the base of medical development in the Chosun dynasty. 7. Eui-Lim-Choal-Yo("醫林撮要") was written by Jung-Kyung-Sun(鄭敬先) and revised by Yang-Yui-Soo(楊禮壽). It was written on the base of Woo-Dan's Eui-Jung-Jun, which compiled the medical science of the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era. It contained confusing theories of the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era and organized medical books of Myung era, therefore it completed the basic form of Byun-Geung-Non-Chi (辨證論治) influenced the writing of Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham("東醫寶鑑"). 8. Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham("東醫寶鑑") was written on the base of basic theory of Eum-Yang-O-Haeng(陰陽五行) and the theory of respondence of heaven and man(天人相應說) in Nae-Kyung. It contained several theories and knowledge, such as the theory of Essence(精), vitalforce(氣), and spirit(神) of Taoism, medical science of geum-won era, our original medical knowledge and experience. It had established the basic organization of our medical science and completed the Byun-Geung-Non-Chi (辨證論治). Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham developed medical science from simple medical treatment to protective medical science by caring of health. And it also discussed human cultivation and Huh-Joon's(許浚) own view of human life through the book. Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham adopted most part of Lee-Go(李杲) and Ju-Jin-Heung's(朱震亨) theory and new theory of "The kidney is the basis of apriority. The spleen is the basis of posterior", so it emphasized the role of spleen and kidney(脾腎) for Jang-Boo-Byung-Gi(臟腑病機). It contained Ju-Jin-Heung's theory of the cause and treatment of disease by colour or fatness of man(black or white, fat or thin). It also contained Ju-Jin-Heung's theory of "phlegm break out fever, fever break out palsy"(痰生熱 熱生風) and the theory of Sang-Wha(相火論). Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham contained Lee-Go's theory of Wha-Yu-Won-Bool-Yang-Lib (火與元氣不兩立論) quoted the theory of Bi-Wi(脾胃論) and the theory of Nae-Oi-Sang-Byun(內外傷辨). For the use of medicine, it followed the theory by Lee-Go. lt used Yoo-Wan-So'S theory of Oh-Gi-Kwa-Keug-Gae-Wi-Yul-Byung(五志過極皆爲熱病) for the treatment of hurt-spirit(傷神) because fever was considered as the cause of disease. It also used Jang-Jons-Jung's theory of Saeng-Keug-Je-Seung(生克制勝) for the treatment of mental disease. 9. Lee-je-ma's Dong-Eui-Soo-Se-Bo-Won("東醫壽世保元") adopted medical theories of Song-Won-Myung era and analyzed these theories using the physical constitutional theory of Sa-Sang-In(四象人). It added Dong-Mu's main idea to complete the theory and clinics of Sa-Sang-Eui-Hak(四象醫學). Lee-Je-Ma didn't quote the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era to discuss that the physical constitutional theory of disease and medicine from Tae-Eum-In(太陰人), So-Yang-In(少陽人), So-Eum-In(少陰人), and Tae-Yang-In(太陽人) was invented from their theories.

• Childhood Kidney Diseases
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.8-17
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• 2006

Purpose : We describe the changes of rat glomerular epithelial cells when exposed to high levels of glucose and advanced glycosylation endproducts(AGE) in the in vitro diabetic condition. We expect morphological alteration of glomerular epithelial cells and permeability changes experimentally and we may correlate the results with a mechanism of proteinuria in DM. Methods : We made 0.2 M glucose-6-phsphate solution mixed with PBS(pH 7.4) containing 50 mg/mL BSA and pretense inhibitor for preparation of AGE. As control, we used BSA. We manufactured and symbolized five culture dishes as follows; B5 - normal glucose(5 mM) + BSA, B30 - high glucose(30 mM) + BSA, A5 - normal glucose(5 mM) + AGE, A30 - high glucose(30 mM) + AGE, A/B 25 - normal glucose(5 mM) + 25 mM of mannitol(osmotic control). After the incubation period of both two days and seven days, we measured the amount of heparan sulfate proteoglycan(HSPG) in each dish by ELISA and compared them with the B5 dish at 2nd and 7th incubation days. We observed the morphological changes of epithelial cells in each culture dish using scanning electron microscopy(SEM). We tried the permeability assay of glomerular epithelial cells using cellulose semi-permeable membrane measuring the amount of filtered BSA through the apical chamber for 2 hours by sandwich ELISA. Results : On the 2nd incubation day, there was no significant difference in the amount of HSPG between the 5 culture dishes. But on the 7th incubation day, the amount of HSPG increased by 10% compared with the B5 dish on the 2nd day except the A30 dish(P<0.05). Compared with the B5 dish on the 7th day the amount of HSPG in A30 and B30 dish decreased to 77.8% and 95.3% of baseline, respectively(P>0.05). In the osmotic control group (A/B 25) no significant correlation was observed. On the SEM, we could see the separated intercellular junction and fused microvilli of glomerular epithelial cells in the culture dishes where AGE was added. The permeability of BSA increased by 19% only in the A30 dish on the 7th day compared with B5 dish on the 7th day in the permeability assay(P<0.05). Conclusion: We observed not only the role of a high level of glucose and AGE in decreasing the production of HSPG of glomerular epithelial cells in vitro, but also their additive effect. However, the role of AGE is greater than that of glucose. These results seems to correlate with the defects in charge selective barrier. Morphological changes of the disruption of intercellular junction and fused microvilli of glomerular epithelial cells seem to correlate with the defects in size-selective barrier. Therefore, we can explain the increased permeability of glomerular epithelial units in the in vitro diabetic condition.

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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• no.40
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• pp.163-206
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• 2010

Um die Jahrhundertwende des 20. Jahrhunderts besinnt sich Theater als ein Kunstwerk auf seine eigene $Realit{\ddot{a}}t$, $K{\ddot{o}}rper$, Raum und Zeit. Die Existenzweise des Theaterkunstwerks ist $Auff{\ddot{u}}hrung$. Die Kennzeichen der $Auff{\ddot{u}}hrung$ ist Transitorik, Unmittelbarkeit und Ereignishaftigkeit. $Auff{\ddot{u}}hrungsanalyse$ der Theaterwissenschaft als Disziplin wird lange Zeit $vernachl{\ddot{a}}ssigt$, weil $Auff{\ddot{u}}hrung$ ein Opfer der Zeit ist. Angesichts der $Auf{\ddot{u}}hrungsanalyse$ $mu{\ss}$ man eine Invariante zur $Verf{\ddot{u}}gung$ stellen, um einen Gegenstand zu analysieren. Die Inszenierung als ${\ddot{a}}sthetischer$ Gegenstand ist einmalig und unwiederbringlich. Das $B{\ddot{u}}hnengeschehen$ ist materielle $Realit{\ddot{a}}t$, die von dem Zuschauer sinnlich - optisch und akustisch - erfahren wird. Die Inszenierung realisiert sich in 'drei $B{\ddot{u}}hnengestalten$': 'Intendierte $B{\ddot{u}}hnengestalt$', 'realen $B{\ddot{u}}hnengestalt$' und 'vermeinte $B{\ddot{u}}hnengestalt$'. Die $Auff{\ddot{u}}hrung$ konkretisiert sich im Kopf des Zuschauers nicht als eine reale $B{\ddot{u}}hnengestalt$, sondern als ein '${\ddot{a}}sthetisches$ Objekt', 'als Abdruck der $B{\ddot{u}}hnenvorg{\ddot{a}}nge$'. Der Platz des $Auff{\ddot{u}}hrungsanalytikers$ ist der des Zuschauers, des Rezipienten. Die ${\ddot{a}}sthetische$ $B{\ddot{u}}hnengestalt$ ist eine Rekonstruktion der selektiven wahrgenommenden $Auff{\ddot{u}}hrung$, die der 'realen $B{\ddot{u}}hnengestalt$' ${\ddot{a}}hnelt$. Diese Rekonstruktion als neue $Sch{\ddot{o}}pfung$ des Rezipienten ist "Simulacrum", das der dem Objekt $hinzugef{\ddot{u}}gte$ Intellekt ist. Der Begriff der $Auff{\ddot{u}}hrungsanalyse$ wird Synonym $f{\ddot{u}}r$ die Interpretation als hermeneutischer $Proze{\ss}$. $F{\ddot{u}}r$ die Methode der $Auff{\ddot{u}}hrungsanalyse$ gibt es Strukturanalyse und Transformationsanalyse. Strukturanalyse geht $ausschlie{\ss}lich$ von der $Auff{\ddot{u}}hrung$ aus. Transformationsanalyse geht von der Transformation des Textes aus. $F{\ddot{u}}r$ diese Arbeit steht dramaturgische Analyse von Shakespeares Romeo und Julia als erste Grundlage. Die Handlungsentwicklung von Romeo und Julia ist klar in '$f{\ddot{u}}nf$ Akte' eingeteilt, die insgesamt aus 24 Szenen bestehen. Die Gesamthandlung von Romeo und Julia baut sich $pyramidenf{\ddot{o}}rmig$ nach dem Schema der steigenden und fallenden Handlung auf: Exposition/ Ausgangssituation (bis zur ersten Begegnung des Liebespaares auf dem Fest), erregendes Moment als Steigerung (von der Verliebtheit bis zur $Eheschlie{\ss}ung$), Wendepunkt/ Peripetie (Mercutios Tod), retardierendes Moment (Julias Scheintod) und Katastrophe (Vereinigung im Grabe). Die Handlung des $St{\ddot{u}}ckes$ gliedert sich in eine Haupt- und eine Nebenhandlung: dominierend ist die Liebeshandlung zwischen Romeo und Julia, daneben steht die Entwicklung der Fehde zwischen den Familien von Montague und Capulet; sie sind 'sich gegenseitig bedingend, steigernd, hemmend und vernichtend'. Parallelisierung und Kontrast der Figurenkonstellation werden in den jeweils sozial oder im Alter entsprechenden Figuren aus den beiden verfeindeten Familien gezeigt. Die Thematik des $St{\ddot{u}}ckes$ kommt in dem Oxymoron "loving hate" (I.1.175) zum Ausdruck. Shakespeare $l{\ddot{a}}sst$ die Liebeshandlung von Romeo und Julia in der Art der de casibus-$Trag{\ddot{o}}die$ spielen; deren Handlungsmuster ist 'dargestellt im Rad der Fortuna, das einen Menschen $emportr{\ddot{a}}gt$ und wieder $abst{\ddot{u}}rzen$ $l{\ddot{a}}sst$'. Das $St{\ddot{u}}ck$ Romeo und Julia ist eine experimentelle $Trag{\ddot{o}}die$. Es beginnt als $Kom{\ddot{o}}die$ mit $Z{\ddot{u}}gen$ einer Romanze, die sich aus dem Motiv der privaten Liebe und Heirat entwickelt. Pater Lorenzo und die Amme treten mit Lorenzos Wissen von der magischen Kraft der $Kr{\ddot{a}}uter$ und der $Geschw{\ddot{a}}tzigkeit$ der Amme $h{\ddot{a}}ufig$ in der $Kom{\ddot{o}}die$ auf. Die Handlung von Romeo und Julia erreicht mit Mercutios Tod den Wendepunkt, der die komische Welt zur tragischen umwandelt. $F{\ddot{u}}r$ die Sprache gibt es Prosa der Diener wie die Alltagssprache der einfachen Leute und zugleich Verse der Adeligen. Shakespeare verwendet eine kontrastreiche Metaphorik $f{\ddot{u}}r$ Raum und Zeit. Dreimal geschehen am Tag die $K{\ddot{a}}mpfe$ der verfeindeten Familien auf den ${\ddot{o}}ffentlichen$ $Pl{\ddot{a}}tzen$. Der Tag wirft ein Licht auf den Hass und die Gewalt. Die Nacht aber ist die $Sph{\ddot{a}}re$ der Liebe, wo Romeo und Julia ihre heimliche Verbindung verborgen halten $k{\ddot{o}}nnen$. Die Liebenden treffen sich in der Nacht und in dem ummauerten Raum. Oh, Tae-Suks "Romeo und Julia" wird in der Form des Madangguks gestaltet. Die Handlung in Oh, Tae- Suks Textfassung ist also nicht nach dem Prinzip der $Kausalit{\ddot{a}}t$ und Folgerichtigkeit zu lesen wie im Shakespeare-Drama. Wegen dem Ignorieren der $Kausalit{\ddot{a}}t$ des Handlungsablaufes und dem Fehlen der Motivation der Handlung ergibt sich hier keine individuelle psychologische Figurencharakterisierung. Die Figuren sind typisiert. Die koreanische Textfassung mit den extremen textlichen $Verk{\ddot{u}}rzungen$ und den zwei szenischen $Hinzuf{\ddot{u}}gungen$ $pr{\ddot{a}}gt$ die Inszenierung dahingehend, dass an die Stelle der Wortsprache mehr $K{\ddot{o}}rpersprache$ und szenische Bilder treten. Die langen Sprechpartien der Figuren im Shakespeare-Drama werden meistens $gek{\ddot{u}}rzt$ und $beschr{\ddot{a}}nken$ sich entweder auf Informationen ${\ddot{u}}ber$ die Situation oder zur Handlungsentwicklung. Und der Handlungsablauf erfolgt in Episoden sowie Musik, Lied und Tanz; Musik, Lied und Tanz dienen einerseits dem ${\ddot{U}}bergang$ der Szenen, sind aber andererseits auch selbst Teil des Handlungsablaufs. $W{\ddot{a}}hrend$ Shakespeare die Sprache der $W{\ddot{o}}rter$ in den Vordergrund $r{\ddot{u}}ckt$, $st{\ddot{u}}tzt$ Oh, Tae-Suk sich mehr auf die Sprache des $K{\ddot{o}}rpers$, die ja zugleich bildhaft ist. $Daf{\ddot{u}}r$ nimmt die Inszenierung Tanz und Lieder. Oh, Tae-Suks Inszenierung entwirft Shakespeares $Trag{\ddot{o}}die$ in der Form des Madangguks als Spiel und zugleich als erkennentnisorientiertes, nachdenkliches Theater $f{\ddot{u}}r$ den koreanischen Zuschauer, das dem traditionellen koreanischen Theater als Unterhaltungstheater nicht $m{\ddot{o}}glich$ ist, in dem sich das Volk von der Wirklichkeit erleichterte und sich $vergn{\ddot{u}}gte$. Oh, Tae-Suk formt das Publikum zum 'Wir' und zugleich zum 'Ich'. Mit dem Zusammensein der $v{\ddot{o}}llig$ andernen Theaterkulturen schafft der Reigisseur das hybride Theater und dadurch bildet $f{\ddot{u}}r$ die moderne koreanische Gesellschaft eine neue kulturelle $Identit{\ddot{a}}t$ heraus.

• Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
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• v.1
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• pp.36-73
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• 2024

The Tomb of Jang Mui located in Bongsan-gun, Hwanghae-do Province has attracted much attention since its first investigation due to the inscribed bricks found there that have allowed the guessing of the name and official title of its occupant and construction date. Inscriptions on these bricks, such as the "Prefect of Daebang Commandery Jang Mui" and the "Mu" (戊, the fifth sign of the Chinese calendar), and "Sin" (申, the ninth sign of the Chinese zodiac), have become the basis for believing the location of the government office of Daebang Commandery to be in Bongsangun, Hwanghae-do Province rather than somewhere in the Hangang River region. From the early days of its investigation, the tomb was suggested as historic remains of the Daebang Commandery along with the Earthen Fortress in Jitap-ri. Inscribed bricks excavated from the Tomb of Jang Mui were featured in several books and articles in the form of photographs and rubbings, leading to a vast body of studies on its construction period and the characteristics of its occupant that drew upon interpretations of the inscriptions. However, the inscribed bricks themselves were not publicly available outside those held in the collection of the University of Tokyo, making it difficult to expect consistent research findings on the types of inscribed bricks and their contents. Following previous studies re-examining the structure of the tomb and the materials used for its construction, most scholars dated the Tomb of Jang Mui to 348, a period after the collapse of Daebang Commandery. However, there is still a lack of adequate examination of the bricks, which account for the majority of the artifacts excavated from the tomb. Among the bricks excavated from most brick chamber tombs, including the Tomb of Jang Mui, only those with inscriptions or designs have been collected. Moreover, among these, only those with inscriptions or designs on the stretcher faces have been documented. Accordingly, the bricks themselves have been notably understudied. This paper intends to reorganize the contents of the inscriptions on eleven types (out of sixty-one pieces) of bricks in the collection of the National Museum of Korea, which make up the majority of the bricks excavated from the Tomb of Jang Mui. It also classified them according to their shapes. Furthermore, it examined the bricks from the Tomb of Jang Mui as architectural materials by focusing on their production techniques, including their forming, drying, and firing. Taking a more specific approach, it then compared the results to other bricks from the second century through the fourth century: those from the brick chamber tombs of the Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies and those from the brick chamber tombs built after Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies were ousted. The examination of bricks from the Tomb of Jang Mui has revealed that these bricks were basically produced using the brick manufacturing techniques of Nangnang, but they incorporated new elements found in bricks from brick chamber tombs or brick-and-stone chamber tombs constructed around the mid-fourth century in terms of their size, the use of lime, and the number of inscribed bricks. This supports the prevailing view that the date of the construction of the Tomb of Jang Mui is 348. The Tomb of Jang Mui sustained the existing brick chamber tomb burial tradition, but its ceiling was finished with stone. It demonstrates a blending of the brick chamber tomb practice of the Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies by using bricks produced based on related techniques, but with new elements such as the addition of a lime layer to the bricks. This fusion reflects the political circumstances of its time, such as the expulsion of the Daebang Commandery and the advance of the Goguryeo Kingdom, leading to diverse interpretations. Given archaeological evidence such as the structure, materials, and location of the tomb, the Tomb of Jang Mui appears to be highly related to the Goguryeo Kingdom. However, the forms of the inscribed bricks and the contents of the inscriptions share similarities with brick chamber tombs constructed during the third and fourth centuries in the Jiangsu and Zhejiang regions in China. Further studies on whether the use of lime was an influence from Goguryeo or a continuation of the Daebang tradition and a comparative examination with contemporaneous stone ceiling tombs will provide a more refined understanding of the Tomb of Jang Mui.

• THE JOURNAL OF KOREAN ORIENTAL ONCOLOGY
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.37-53
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• 1998

The sprig of Jinryungtang Gagambang has been used for curing as a traditional medicine without any experimental evidence to support the rational basis for their clinical use. This experiment was carried out to evaluate the possible therapeutic or antitumoral effects of Jinryungtang Gagambang extract against cancer, and to study some mechanisms responsible for its effect. The cytotoxic and antitumor effects were evaluated on human cell liens (A549, hep3B, Caki-1, Sarcoma 180) after exposure to Jinryungtang Gagambang extract using in ILS, colony forming efficency and SRB assay which were regarded as a valuable method for cytotoxic and antitumor effects of unknown compound on tumor cell lines. The results obtained in this studies were as follows. 1. As a result of exposure to Jinryungtang Gagambang extract, the proliferation of A549, hep3B, Caki-1, good correlations were shown from the results of SRB assay and those of clogenetic assay. 2. The oral administration of Jinryungtang Gagambang extract showed significant effects of increase of MST(mean survival time) and ILS(increased life span) depending on the increasing concentration. 3. Against squamous cell carcinoma induced by MCA, Jinryungtang Gagambang decreased not only the frequency of tumor production but also the number and weight of tumors per tumor bearing mice(TBM). Jinryungtang Gagambang also significantly suppressed the development of 3LL cell-implanted tumors by frequency and their size, and some developed tumors were regressed by the continuous treatment of Jinryungtang Gagambang extract into TBM. 4. Jinryungtang Gagambang extract also increased NK cell activities. According to the above results, it could be suggested that Jinryungtang Gagambang extract has prominent antiutmor effect.

• Korean Journal of Veterinary Research
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.23-62
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• 1969

Throughout the studies the following experimental results were obtained and are summarized: 1. Multiplication of agents in primary cell cultures of both GF classical and CR-64 acute strain of Marek's disease infected chicken kidneys was accompanied by the formation of distinct transformed cell foci. This characteristic nature of cell transformation was passaged regularly by addition of dispersed cell from infected cultures to normal chicken kidney cell cultures, and also transferred was the nature of cell transformation to normal chick-embryo liver and neuroglial cell cultures. No cytopathic changes were noticed in inoculated chick-embryo fibroblast cultures. 2. The same cytopathic effects were noticed in normal kidney cell monolayers after the inoculation of whole blood and huffy coat cells derived from both forms of Marek's disease infected chickens. In these cases, however, the number of transformed cell foci appearing was far less than that of uninoculated monolayers prepared directly from the kidneys of Marek's disease infected chickens. 3. The change in cell culture IS regarded as a specific cell transformation focus induced by an oncogenic virus rather than it plaque in slowly progressing cytopathic effect by non-oncogenic viruses, and it is quite similar to RSV focus in chick-embryo fibroblasts in many respects. 4. The infective agent (cell transformable) were extremely cell-associated and could not be separated in an infective state from cells under the experimental conditions. 5. The focus assay of these agents was valid as shown by the high degree of linear correlation (r=0.97 and 0.99) between the relative infected cell concentration (in inoculum) and the transformed cell foci counted. 6. No differences were observed between the GF classical strain and the CR-64 acute strain of Marek's disease as far as cell culture behavior. 7. Characterization of the isolates by physical and chemical treatments, development of internuclear inclusions in Infected cells, and nucleic acid typing by differential stainings and cytochemical treatments indicated that the natures of these cell transformation agents closely resemble to those described fer the group B herpes viruses. 8. Susceptible chicks inoculated with infected kidney tissue culture cells developed specific lesions of Marek's disease, and in a case of prolonged observation after inoculation (5 weeks) the birds developed clinical symptoms and gross lesions of Marek's disease. Kidney cell cultures prepared from those inoculated birds and sacrificed showed a superior recovery of cell transformation property by formation of distinct foci. 9. Electron microscopic study of infected kidney culture cells (GF agent) by negative staining technique revealed virus particles furnishing the properties of herpes viruses. The particle was measured about $100m{\mu}$ and, so far, no herpes virus envelop has been seen from these preparations. 10. No relationship of both isolates to avian leukosis/sarcoma group viruses and PPLO was observed.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.19-48
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• 1974

Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.