• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.14 no.5
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• pp.1-10
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• 2016

New systems and management strategies have been successfully settled in order to be linked to enhancing organizational performance internalization process. The most successful methods for internalization are training and communication strategies. However, the organization must be supported by trust and cooperation cultures for successful education and communication. In this study, we measured the degree of internalization of organized vision, and core values. And then, a successful convergence business strategy internalization plan was presented. Strengthening training plan, communication strategies and management strategies must be internalized in parallel with seeking a change of organizational culture. First, iterative learning is very effective in order to strengthen education and management strategies through talking frequently. Second, chief executive officer should pay attention to communication with employees for the internalization. Finally, in order to change the organizational culture, organizational leaders will establish strategic plan to build open and collaborative culture among colleagues and quantitative and qualitative expansion of the human network.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.44
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• pp.393-410
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• 2016

This paper examines why Japan's nation branding strategy is not working in South Korea in spite of expanding relations between Korea and Japan. Japan has successfully managed its national reputation, which altered its image around the world. However, Japan's nation-image in South Korea has not kept up with its efforts internationally. Political and economic interactions between Korea and Japan have increased throughout the past decades since the normalization of diplomatic relations in 1965. Also, the normalization of cultural-social relations emerged after the Korean government policy restricting Japanese popular culture was removed in the 1990s and overseas travel was liberalized in 1989. In spite of the improvement in politico-cultural-social relations, trust-building efforts still stagnate between the two countries. This paper discusses the reasons behind this phenomenon and provides some suggestions to solve this issue.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.201-208
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to investigate reunification perception among groups with different cognitive bias(anchoring bias) through empirical studies. This study assumes that cognitive bias occurs according to the content of N. Korea provided in school education, and that the cognitive bias formed in youth creates a difference in perception of N. Korea and reunification. For empirical study, a survey of reunification awareness conducted by the Institute for Peace an Unification Studies-Seoul National University was used, and the two groups are divided into A-group that chose "anti-communism or security" and B-group that did "reunification interests, multi-culturalism and understanding North Korea" according to N. Korea content which was encountered in school education during adolescence. A-group recognized N. Korea as a hostile target even after becoming an adult, while B-group regarded N. Korea as a one of dialogue and cooperation. This analysis illustrates the existence of cognitive bias between the two groups because of N. Korea content which was given in school education. A-group had a lower percentage than B-group in terms of the benefits of reunification to S. Korea and the need for more dialogue and compromise with N. Korea. However, there was no difference between two groups in terms of acceptance of N. Korean defectors. This research result could be a reference to the direction of school education policies relating to reunification in that early school education affects reunification awareness and perception related with N. Korea even in adulthood.

• Proceedings of the Korean Institute of Information and Commucation Sciences Conference
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• 2008.05a
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• pp.509-512
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• 2008

Ubiquitous Computing System란, 언제 어디서나 통신 및 컴퓨팅이 가능하고 컴퓨팅 시스템이 상호간에 정보를 공유하고 협력하는 컴퓨팅 시스템이다. 이로써 기존의 컴퓨팅 환경과 같이 사용자와 컴퓨터간의 대화형 상호작용이 아닌 물리적인 환경 상황(Context)등을 시스템이 스스로 인식하고 이를 기반으로 사용자와의 상호 작용을 지원하는 상황인식 기술이 필수적인 요소로 부각되고 있다. 또한, Ubiquitous Computing System을 위해 사용자 및 주변 환경 정보를 감지하는 센서(Sensor) 기술이 필요하다. 하지만 사용자 및 주변 환경으로부터 입력되는 불확실하거나 모호한 상황정보에 대한 표현과 추론에 대한 연구는 부족한 실정이다. 본 논문은 이런 이유에서 Rule-based System을 기반으로 CRS와 DOS의 개념을 도입한 새로운 상황인식 기반의 Architecture를 제안하고, 이를 VHDL을 통해 SoC로 구현하였다. CRS를 통해 실시간으로 다양한 센서에서 들어오는 많은 데이터에 가중치를 부여하여 각 센서마다 중요도를 달리 부여한다. 이로써, System은 Sensor 입력 값의 중요도에 따라 처리 순서를 우선적으로 부여하여 처리 속도를 높인다. 또, DOS를 통해 각양각색의 사용자에게 획일적인 서비스를 제공하는 것이 아니라 상황 변화의 패턴에 따라 개별화되고 특화된 서비스를 제공한다. 마지막으로, Ubiquitous Computing System의 향후 발전 가능성을 예상하고, 본 논문에서 제시한 Context-aware Architecture에 의해 구현된 UoC의 유용성을 짐작해 본다.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.26 no.4
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• pp.391-407
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• 2023

The state of Baden-Württemberg has one of the strongest regional economies in Germany and is known as one of the most innovative regions in both Germany and Europe. Clusters have played a central role in innovation strategies. The article analyzes the current cluster policy in Baden-Württemberg. The Baden-Württemberg cluster policy has systematically supported the development of clusters, cluster initiatives, and state-wide networks. It has also provided increasing support to regions in developing and implementing innovation and networking activities. The cluster policy has specifically focused on promoting collaborations across different industries and technologies, as well as implementing measures for internationalization. The goal of the Baden-Württemberg state cluster policy was to professionalize cluster management and improve its quality. The cluster policy in Baden-Württemberg has adopted a bottom-up approach and utilized various measures and instruments to promote dialogue. The cluster policy in Baden-Württemberg has established a dedicated cluster agency responsible for developing strategies and implementing individual measures.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.3
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• pp.204-219
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• 2015

International society, including the United Nations, has recently been making efforts to further promote a rapprochement of cultures in relation to alleviating military and political conflicts and other social clashes. In line with these efforts at the international level, there has been a growing interest on Central Asia and, in particular, on the Silk Road, which functioned as a trade route among ancient civilizations in the region and is also seen as a route that promoted cultural dialogue and exchanges. Given the amount of cross cultural dialogue and exchange, it is no surprise that intangible cultural heritage has historically been abundant and easily found in the region. However, this heritage was placed in considerable risk because heritage transmission critically weakened for seventy years under Soviet rule. Fortunately, since independence, there has been increasing interest in restoring community identity and reviving intangible heritage. Nevertheless, in spite of this interest, a lack of policies and cultural support in each country has made heritage safeguarding difficult. In this paper, I analyze the various phenomena that took place after the concept and international trends on ICH were introduced and speak about the experiences and outcomes obtained from collaborative network projects by ICHCAP and the Central Asian countries over the last six year. In addition, I would like take this opportunity to discuss how we can understand and develop collaboration in the intangible heritage field in Central Asia in a long-term perspective.

• Korean Association of Arts Management
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• no.53
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• pp.127-151
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• 2020

In this study, the announced in 2010 was used to identify the flow of social value expansion on the culture and art education and to provide the future direction. In the context of culture and art education, cultural diversity is an important agenda, and thus the case of cultural diversity program by the National Museum of Contemporary Art was analyzed to discuss the social role of culture and art education. To summarize the findings, it is a program of promoting understanding on the diversity of art in the same period and various identifies of the members of our society through the exhibition of «Artist of the Year», and it is a program on cultural diversity of understanding the diversity and identity of various members in our society through the contemporary artwork. Through theme-based approach, education on cultural diversity and cooperative learning were applied to develop the sense of community. Based on the core values of education on cultural diversity, the contents of the education program on performed total of 80 times on 14 programs in 2017-2019 were analyzed. As a result, the analysis showed 9 core values, and the core values of education on cultural diversity derived through the content analysis of the education program on were ① Engagement, ② Conversation, ③ Citizenship, ④ Coexistence, ⑤ Human Rights, ⑥ Difference, ⑦ Equality, ⑧ Cooperation, ⑨ Solidarity. As the space enhancing the cultural engagement, the art museum is a place for realizing the value on cultural diversity, so it has significance as the space that embraces both cultural diversity and culture and art education. In this sense, it was identified that the discussion on the cultural diversity and culture and art education was being expanded into the perspective of various groups and communities in our society through the core values of engagement, conversation, citizenship, coexistence, human rights, difference, equality, cooperation, solidarity and direction, which were provided by the analysis of the contents on the art museum education program on cultural diversity in the National Museum of Contemporary Art.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.27-52
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• 2022

Objectives: The neighboring countries of South Korea and Japan in Northeast Asia have interacted in both positive and negative ways, at times as close partners and other times adversaries, throughout their long and thorny history of extensive dynamics. The controversial dispute over Dokdo is one of the most critical issues evoking harsh tensions and arguments asserting wholly opposite claims. Dokdo is a small island between two coastal states, but significant in terms of territorial, botanical, and marine resources, and thus ownership of the island has become a point of conflict accompanied by a troubled history. But why has Dokdo been a source of conflicts and how should the controversial Dokdo issue be addressed in a way that fosters positive influence and co-prosperity? Methods: This study provides comprehensive and critical insights from a wealth of previous research and strategic suggestions for the Korean government. It utilizes the three perspectives of historical documents and political context, international regulations and legal frames, and public diplomacy. Furthermore, it applies these resources to negotiation theories and strategies to propose reasonable solutions. Results: This study suggests that it is important for Korea and Japan to try to build mutual trust through more active communication and interaction in order to understand each other before attempting to create a formal resolution via negotiation. In addition to these efforts, Korea needs to be ready for the inevitable need to take decisive action in terms of negotiation, using analytic and efficient strategies. The study proposes three solutions: 1) Strong Action Strategy, 2) International Legal Strategy, and 3) Public Diplomacy Strategy. Conclusions: From the perspective of public diplomacy, the Dokdo issue needs to be converted from a symbol of conflicts between Korea and Japan into a symbol of peace and co-prosperity. In addition to promoting a positive relationship between the two states, it can also contribute to the security environment of the Northeast Asian region and global peace.

• Maritime Security
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.73-114
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• 2021

This study examines the distribution of power in Northeast Asia based on the balance of power theory, a representative theory of realism, assuming military capabilities as the core power of states. The results of previous studies on the balance of power and military forces are reviewed and used to analyze changes in the strength of the US, China, Russia, Japan, South Korea, and North Korea through 2020 to predict the security environment in 2030. In the balance of power theory, if the balance of power between a nation or a group of powers collapses, the possibility of war is high, and to survive in the international community with high uncertainty and distrust, the theory predicts that states must increase their powers in a self-help world and strengthen cooperation and alliance. Countries in Northeast Asia are also continuing to strengthen their military capabilities, and countries neighboring China are paying keen attention and remaining vigilant due to the rapid changes in the international security environment after the rapid rise of China. To mark the future 100th anniversary of the Chinese armed forces in the 2030s, China aims to realize 'defense and military modernization' and build a 'world-class military force' by the nation's 100th anniversary in the 2050s. The US is busy checking China's rise by strengthening international cooperation and alliances. The security environment and power dynamics in Northeast Asia are slowly changing as the US and China continue to compete for global hegemony. The changes and implications of the distribution of power in Northeast Asia after 2030 are examined based on the balance of power theory.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.5-52
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• 2016

Several criticisms notwithstanding, the major political parties in South Korea seem to have developed relatively coherent 'collective identities' with regard to the unification question between South and North Korea. A comparative analysis in this paper reveals a certain pattern of convergence and divergence in unification policies among major parties. First, diachronically, the two major political parties in the history of South Korea, which I call for simplicity "conservative parties" and "democratic parties" respectively, have converged into allelosubjective attitudes towards North Korea since President Park Chung-hee's proclamation of peaceful unification plan in 1970. The governments of conservative parties since then promoted allelosubjective relations between South and North Korea, which the governments of democratic parties succeeded and developed into a partial integration policy. Though the succeeding governments of conservative parties of Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye seem to have stepped back from the allelosubjective attitudes, seemingly they have not yet withdrawn to the monosubjective stance before 1970. Next, synchronically, an analysis of the platforms of major parties and their campaign promises in the 20th general election in 2016 reveals converging and diverging points in their unification policies. All the major parties show relatively allelosubjective attitudes towards North Korea, with significant differences. "Saenuri Party," the current conservative party, maintains quite bit of monosubjective attitudes towards North Korea and requires unilateral changes of North Korea in the process of unification. "Justice Party," the minor progressive party, is the most allelosubjective in that it presupposes the co-existence and mutual survival of the two Koreas in unification. In between lie "The Minjoo Party of Korea" and "The People's Party", the two parties separated in the democratic party bloc.