• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.38
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• pp.309-335
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• 1999

The purpose of this study is to classify welfare regimes using the method of qualitative comparative analysis(QCA). By formalizing the logic of qualitative analysis, QCA makes it possible to bring the logic and empirical intensity of qualitative approaches to studies that normally call for the use of quantitative methods. In QCA each case is conceived holistically, as a configuration of conditions, not a collection of scores on variables. Major findings of this study are as follows. Firstly, major explanations for welfare state differences are partly supported. Indicators relevant to each explanation can appear to be important only if other causal conditions are considered. For example, in the interventionist welfare states, high GDP per capita must be combined with the weakness of the Right and ethnic homogeneity. Otherwise, it can't discern interventionist from liberalist welfare states. Secondly, the equation for the interventionist welfare states includes multiple causal conjunctures. Many studies of welfare state find the same results. The third main finding is that IDV(individualism index) which is proxy for the weakness of informal network matters. Combining with other variables, IDV seems to be important in explaining the emergence of Confucian welfare states.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.62 no.1
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• pp.5-30
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• 2010

This paper offers an alternative approach to measure the welfare state change by using fuzzy-set methodology. The fuzzy-set method is particularly useful for assessing change across a limited number of cases, and that it can help to translate interval fuzzy membership scores into verbal qualifiers. Applying the measurement of welfare state change, four sets(accessibility, generosity, activation, state's care responsibility) in two dimensions(old and new social risks) have been identified, which reflect theoretical importance. The analysis sets out fuzzy membership scores for 12 OECD countries in the 16 possible welfare state ideal types. This paper found that each country has its own strategies to deal with the changes, however, the changes are not dramatic or a qualitative one. This does not mean that there are no changes, but that are no paradigm shifts or path breaking in the welfare state changes.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.58 no.2
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• pp.143-166
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• 2006

The purpose of this study was to empirically test whether occupational welfare in Korea would have grown since the mid 1990s. The result of this study showed that after the IMF fiscal crisis, the policies of labor flexibility in labor market initiated flexible forms of employer-provided benefits, including cafeteria plan or profit-based funds, which finally led to a decline of occupational welfare rather than a growth. Existing studies haven't agreed on trade-off of statutory and voluntary social provisions since the crisis of welfare state. However, based on the case of Korea, this study suggested archetypal development of welfare system experiencing a decline of occupational welfare paralleled with a growth of state welfare provision.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.69-96
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• 2013

This paper is to critically review the economic reasoning of non-sustainability of welfare state due to its intrinsic incentive problems and to see how the nordic welfare state responds to them. The welfare state as a political design of state to pursue equality has social insurance as its main economic function. It survives market failure of private insurance to contribute to human capital investment and industrial restructuring. The universal tax-financed welfare state, however, has the problem of tragedy of commons such as reduced work incentive and work ethics. But, the existing nordic welfare state overcomes it through employment-focused policy arrangements, maintenance of work ethics and benefits moral, incentive mechanism of wage-compression, public educational investment and its complementation with social security. The Nordic model shows that problems of incentive and moral are not about those of theory and reasoning, but about their reality which policies and institutions could respond to.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.35
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• pp.453-474
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• 1998

This paper attempts to analyse the patriarchal characteristics of welfare states. Increasingly, debates on welfare states are explicitly focusing on the relationships between state, market and family. How these relationships are structured forms the core parts of the particular welfare states, that is they give shape to different welfare state regimes. Although welfare states have developed incresingly, there are some problems that sustain these states asymmetrical, unequal, even sexist. In this paper, I want to make these problems visible by the terms of gender division of labour, the model of male work and the changing characteristics of patriarchy. Firstly, from the feminist perspective, we can point the fact that the welfare states are structured by gender. Welfare states take it for granted that our socities are based on the assumption of gender division of labour, what is called male breadwinner/ female dependent. And the state takes this gendered family as the stereotype in our societies. Secondly, it is not sufficient condition for men and women to perform satisfactory life of work and family that welfare states provide childcare center on an extensive scale. This is because that our societies are runned by "the model of male work". Thirdly, we can find that the characteristics of patriarchy of welfare state are changing. These changes can be explained from the 'private patriarchy' to the 'public patriarchy', in other words, from the women's dependence to individual man to the dependence to the state/ public sectors. And also under these changes, we can find the potent possibilities for women to take economic activities and independent self-supports.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.63 no.4
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• pp.277-299
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• 2011

The current study analyzed the tax structure in the welfare states. The appropriate tax structure of universal welfare state should be based on expanding all taxes, rather than choosing between direct and indirect, progressive and regressive, or mobile and immobile tax. The revenue for the universal welfare payment should be raised by levying tax on all people provided that the welfare payment is made available to all people. The analysis led to classification of tax structure into the high tax European model and the low tax English and East Asian model. The high tax European model was further classified into the balance tax model and the high social security model. The low tax English and East Asian model was classified into the low social security model and the high property tax model. Based on the results, the study maintained that the universal welfare states need not only to expand welfare resources but to develop tax system that corresponds to the universal welfare system.

• 한국사회복지학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2008.04a
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• pp.441-447
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• 2008

• 한국사회정책
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.39-67
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• 2018

The Korean welfare state has achieved remarkable development during the last two decades, but simultaneously we have witnessed growing prevalent social conflicts and exclusion in the society. This research argues that the source of current problems lies in the nature of the Korean welfare regime, so called, 'paternalistic liberalism'. The paternalistic liberalism has been formulated by the combination of legacies of the developmental state and neo-liberalism. Paternalism with the growth-oriented and employment-centered approach has been a significant factor to restrict individuals' freedom and happiness in the Korean welfare state. It has also been embedded in the Korean welfare state such as social insurance, workfare programs, and centralized social services. In this context, this research proposes social liberalism, pursuing real freedom for all, as a new paradigm for the Korean welfare state. Breaking from the old path, Freecurity, combining freedom and security, which is argued to be the upgraded version of flexicurity, is also newly proposed as the operating model of social liberalism.

• Industry Promotion Research
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.43-49
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• 2022

This study aims to study Esping-Anderson's theory of welfare state system, develop a model of welfare state suitable for Korea's situation, and apply it to reality. In this research method, basic research and analysis of ideology is used, focusing on Esping-Anderson's welfare state system theory, and applying it appropriately to the Korean situation. Studies on the model of the welfare state have been studied after the classification of complementary and institutional models asserted by Willensky and Lebo in 1965. In addition, Esping-Andersen asserts three things as a model of the welfare state according to ideology. First, the role of the market is central to the liberal welfare system that best fits the image of classical capitalism, and individualistic solidarity through the market. The role of the state or family, which can be a hindrance, is actually marginalized. In addition, in order to maximize individualistic solidarity through the market, de-commodification in the national domain tends to be minimized. Second, the conservative welfare system has a strong familistic element, so the source of social solidarity is the family, and the state plays a role of supporting and supplementing the characteristics of this family. In the conservative system, de-commodification appears to be high among household heads, or the welfare system takes on a corporatist and nationalistic form, it can be said that these characteristics are reflected. Third, in the social democratic welfare system, the source of social solidarity is the state. Therefore, the role of the state is large, the state has a high possibility of decommodification, and it has the characteristics of substitutes for the family and the market through universalist intervention. This study applies Esping-Anderson's three welfare state models to study a model suitable for the Korean situation. In conclusion, Esping-Anderson's three welfare state models can be classified into a market-oriented model based on a liberal welfare system, a status-oriented model based on a conservative corporatist welfare system, and a solidarity-oriented model based on a social-democratic welfare system, presented a compromise between liberalism and conservatism as a Korean model.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.35
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• pp.427-451
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• 1998

The purpose of this study is (1) to contrast the welfare state formation in Korea with that in Western European nations, and (2) to examine the historical peculiarities of the Korean welfare state formation process. For the analysis, this study uses' contrast of context' logic of comparative history and contrast the process of (1)modern state formation (2) civil society development (3) interventionist state evolution of Korea with those of Western European nations. The findings of this study are as follows: First, the distingushing role of nation state as welfare provider is very different. It is attributed to the difference in the traditional dominance structure and in the nation-bulding process of each case. Second, class cleavage of the Western Eeuropean nations has been continually mobilized for political action and converted into political resources, while it is impossible to achieve such results in Korea which has continued labor excusive regime. Third, the institutionalization patterns of welfare politics are different. In Western Eeuropean nations, public welfare benefits have been able to produce welfare coalitions and politics of solidarity. By contrast, since welfare have been thoroughly depoliticized and informalized in Korea, voters and political parties have not been able to make issues of welfare problem Due to these historical peculiarities, it seems to be impossible that Korea's underdeveloped public welfare could be changeable in near future.