• Social Workers
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• no.8 s.40
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• pp.4-11
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• 2005

현대사회에서 내 집 마련은 가정의 안정적 유지를 위한 기본적 요소이다. 그러나 지난 5월 통계청에서 발표한 '1/4분기 가계수지 동향'을 기준으로 가계소득 329만 1,000원인 도시근로자가 대출이나 부모의 도움 없이 저축만으로 내 집을 마련하는데 걸리는 기간은 서울 25평 아파트 20년 9개월, 32평형은 27년 5개월 걸리는 것으로 집계됐다. 그렇다면 '사회복지'라는 커다란 영역안에는 어떠한 형태의 집들이 존재할까? 우리나가 거의 대부분의 사회복지기관, 시설들은 지방자치단체에 의해 법인에게 위탁, 임대되어지는 것이 대부분이다. 물론 국가가 법인직영의 반위탁 형태로 운영되는 곳도 있지만 아주 극소수이다. 우리나라 지역복지의 핵심 주체인 지역사회복지관의 경우(한국사회복지관협회, 2005) 사회복지법인 289개소, 재단법인 47갯, 사단법인 9개소, 학교법인 22개소, 지방자치단체 직영이 14개로, 거의 대부분의 복지관이 민간위탁으로 운영되고 있다. 대부분이 전세집살이를 하고 있는 것이다. 이번호에서는 이러한 민간위탁의 미흡한 제도와 과정에 대한 현장의 소리를 들업고자 한다.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.19 no.8
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• pp.535-543
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• 2019

This study was conducted to find a pathway from the general government debt to GDP ratio(GDR) to the age standardized Suicide Rate(suicide rate). The variables used in this study are GDR, the consumer price index for living necessaries(CPIL), the household debt to GDP ratio(Household Debt), and suicide rate. The data used in this study were standardized data from 2001 to 2015 of Korean Statistical Information Service(KOSIS) and the path analysis was performed using the analysis IBM SPSS 22 and Amos. As a result of the path analysis, the path of GDR-CPIL-Household Debt-Suicide rate, and the direct of effect were in order 0.954, 0.904 and 0.675 were confirmed. The indirect effect of GDR on Household Debt is 0.862, GDR on Sucide Rate is 0.581, CPIL on Suicide Rate is 0.610. Neither of these indirect effect coefficient was significant(p>0.05).

• 한국사회정책
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• v.25 no.3
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• pp.37-71
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• 2018

Since 2016, public and political interest on basic income has been increased beyond academic interest. The recent debate on basic income has expanded on issues regarding to the concrete implementation of basic income moving further than the debate on conception of the basic income in the abstract level. This study examines major critiques of basic income which was raised from social policy area and makes a counter-argument on these critiques. Major points summarized as follows. First, the problem of jobs and social insurance exclusion is not serious enough to call for basic income. Second, existing social security systems will be crowded out by excessive financial burden if basic income is introduced. Third, policies to cultivate citizens' capacities to cope with a technological change should be given priority over basic income. This study disputes these critiques by counter arguing four points. First, it is necessary to reconstruct welfare state based on basic income, given the labor market changes, such as long-term trend of employment change, newly emerging employment of platform companies, and inconsistency of platform labor and social insurance. Second, hypothesis of crowding-out effect on social security system is just a criticism that can be applied to the basic income initiative of the right-wing. Also, it is unable to find a logical basis or evidence of this hypothesis from the historical process of welfare state development or previous studies. Third, it is necessary to discuss how to reconfigure existing social security system and basic income which are complementary to each other and also have consistency with labor market as a configuration, not as a matter of choosing between basic income and social security system. Fourth, de-laborization does not mean a refusal to labor but a free choice, and the basic principle of social security is not needs but right. In conclusion, in order to develop more productive debate on basic income, it requires more sophisticated discussion and criticism from the point of view of the distributive justice; the debate on the sustainability of social insurance-centered welfare states; and debates on the political realization of basic income.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.197-221
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• 2013

The 2008 world economic crisis had unprecedented consequences in European societies, with repercussions on Southern European countries in particular. In Italy, the crisis itself provided a plausible rationale for policy makers to push forward long needed welfare cuts, resulting in the neoliberal austerity trend fostered by the Monti government (years 2011-2012). In the light of the fact that Bismarckian welfare states from continental Europe are generally difficult to reform, understanding these policy dynamics requires an adequate theoretical framework. This paper seeks to understand the logics behind welfare reforms in Italy after the 2008 economic crisis, by reviewing available theoretical approaches in literature. It is argued that external forces (notably, the European Union) represented the main trigger factor, and that political elites marginalized the role played by civil society, with social problems such as unemployment worsening as a result.

• Digital Contents
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• no.12 s.91
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• pp.68-73
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• 2000

일본의 사회복지적 정보기술에 대해 3회째 연재를 하고 있다. 우리나라도 장애인이나 고령자 저학력자를 위한 정보통신 기술의 개발이 이뤄지고 있긴 하지만, 아직은 미흡한 실정이다. 사회 복지적 정보기술은 반드시 필요한 부분임에도 불구하고, 연구개발이 진척되지 않고 있는 것은 역시 국가적 차원에서 기술개발과 개발된 기술의 수요를 창출해 줄 수 있어야 한다. 즉, 사회복지의 정책이 정보통신 분야로 확대되어야 함을 의미한다. 이에 일본의 고령자를 위한 정보기술 모니터링 시스템을 소개하고자한다.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.59 no.3
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• pp.253-280
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• 2007

This study explores the discoures of family and family policy in the legislative process of Strong Family Act. Critical discourse analysis was used. The results are follows. The Strong Family Act made family issue as a political agenda in spite of much critics. The characteristics of the family discourse in "strong family camp": 1) The emphasis on the moral principle in family 2) denial of deinstitutionalization of family 3) regarding the family problem as a moral and individual problem 4) regarding the state as managing and controling the family. The characteristics of the family discourse in "critical camp": 1) strong family discourse is related to "the family" ideology 2) regarding the family problem as a social, structural problem 3) regarding the state as subsiding, supplementing families. The characteristics of the family policy discourse in "strong family camp": 1) casual efficiency as justifying logics 2) family policy as means to recover family values 3) deunifying the family policy. On the one hand, the characteristics of the family policy discourse in "critical camp": 1) social consensus and academic discussion as justifying logics 2) regarding the family policy as a means of gender equality and strategical point of welfare state expansion. The discourse of family and family policy, especially 'Strong Family Discourse" resulted in conjugation of nationalism and neoliberalism.

• The Science & Technology
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• v.13 no.10 s.137
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• pp.55-57
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• 1980

• The Science & Technology
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• v.13 no.8 s.135
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• pp.58-59
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• 1980

• The Science & Technology
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• v.13 no.9 s.136
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• pp.57-59
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• 1980

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.291-315
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• 2016

This paper analyzed experientially political conducts of the political players on privitization of healthcare service and public healthcare sercive aftrer the democratization in order to determine the influence of democracy on the development of a welfare state. For this purpose, the contents of the major daily newspaper reports from 1993 to 2012 were analyzed. As a result of such analysis, it was found that the political parties did not drive the policy even after the democratization reflecting the demands of the people, political parties had a strong conservative stance and did not show a consistent ideological inclination in their policies. Second, even though the role of the civic movement in the public healthcare service issue became larger after the democratization, policy decisions were driven by the government in an authoritative manner. In addition, the degree of contribution by the civic movements to the development of public healthcare service did not offset the influence of the president and the finance ministry on the development of privatization. Third, both the development of public healthcare service and privatization progressed simultaneously under the Kim Dae Jung, Rho Mu Hyun and Lee Myung Bak administrations after the democratization and it is thus difficult to argue that the qualitative nature as a welfare state was changed after the democratization. However, the degree of development as a welfare state differed depending on the ideological inclination of the presidents, the capacity of the welfare ministry and the ministry that drove the privatization.