• Annual Conference on Human and Language Technology
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• 2023.10a
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• pp.552-557
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• 2023

거대 언어 모델의 성능이 비약적으로 높아지며 인간과의 직접적인 상호 작용 과정이 가능해지고, 이에 따라 윤리 검증의 필요성이 대두되고 있다. 본 연구에서는 인간이 지닌 여러 가치관 중에 정치에 초점을 둔다. 거대 언어 모델의 정치 성향이 사용자의 입력에 따라 변할 수 있는지와 하위 작업에 끼치는 영향에 대해 알아보고자 두 개의 실험을 설계하였고 이에 대한 결과를 분석하였다. 실험에는 거대 언어 모델의 정치 성향을 입력 대조군으로, 세가지 다른 입력 (탈옥 기법, 정치 페르소나, 탈옥 페르소나)을 입력 실험군으로 규정하였다. 실험 결과, 거대 언어 모델의 정치 성향은 탈옥 기법에서 가장 큰 폭으로 변화하였고, 정치 페르소나와 탈옥 페르소나에서는 변화가 크지 않아, 거대 언어 모델에 내재된 정치 성향의 영향에서 크게 벗어나지 못함을 확인하였다. 또한, 하위 작업에서의 실험을 통해 변화된 정치 성향은 하위 작업의 성능 개선을 가져올 수 있으며, 각 실험군에 따라 하위 작업에서 다른 방식의 양상을 보임을 확인하였다. 이는 실제 모델이 사용될 때 개인화된 응답보다는 모델이 선호하는 응답을 받게 되며, 거대 언어 모델의 정치 성향이 사용자에게 여과없이 노출될 수 있음을 시사한다.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.8 no.5
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• pp.207-214
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• 2008

This research analysis politic knowledge, politic awareness and politic socialization medium which influenced forming politic awareness for high school students. This purpose is that we find politic awareness of teenagers and how we teach politic education for teenagers effectively. After analysis, we found that awareness formed through home, school, colleague group and mess media influence teenagers to make their important factor of forming politic and administration and awareness level of politic and administration.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.50 no.4
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• pp.381-403
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• 2019

Information on newspaper articles were categorized into different topics, and each categories within different topics were developed into a faceted taxonomies model which was combined with fundamental facets. After suggesting the plan to construct such a model, the research of actual faceted taxonomies were conducted. Faceted taxonomies divide information on news articles into different topics(such as politics, economies and others) and combine fundamental facets with categories(for example, politics can be sub-classified into general politics, administration, legal system, and others) and sub-categories. Each sub-categories can be further subdivided. In taxanomies, categories can have hierarchical relationships. Categories-Facets, for example, can be utilized to combine "arts" with "people", "action", "event", "time", "place" and others. And Sub-category of the classification of "arts" such as "art," "music," "dance" form hierarchical relationships with "arts" and, in turn, can be used for browsing and further inferences. Furthermore, combining category and facets results in hierarchical structure in order of fundamental facets. As for the pilot vocabulary construction, faceted taxonomies of 145 words from news paper articles on the topic of "arts" were constructed using all construction elements covered in this study.

• Proceedings of the KAIS Fall Conference
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• 2010.11b
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• pp.716-720
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• 2010

본 연구는 중소 벤처기업에서 성과에 가장 중요한 영향을 미치는 요소인 기업가를 대상으로 기업가의 정치적 기술과 사회적 네트워크가 기업가적 성과와 어떤 영향관계를 갖는지 고찰하고자 한 탐색적 성격의 실증적 연구이다. 연구결과 기업가의 사회적 역량인 정치적 기술은 사회적 네트워크와 기업가적 성과에 유의한 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났으며, 사회적 네트워크는 일부 하위 요소만이 기업가적 성과에 유의한 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 특히 약한 유대의 네트워크 원천은 정치적 기술과 기업가적 성과를 완전매개하는 것으로 밝혀졌다. 이 같은 연구결과는 중소 벤처기업에서 성과 창출에 중요한 영향을 미치는 요소인 기업가를 대상으로 역량과 성과의 관계를 고찰했다는 점, 그리고 기업가의 사회적 네트워크가 사회적 역량인 정치적 기술과 기업가적 성과 사이에서 어떤 역할을 하는지를 구체적으로 밝혔다는 점에서 의의가 크다. 또한 정치적 기술이라는 구체적이고도 새로운 선행변수의 도입과 사회적 네트워크의 역할 수립이라는 점에서 이론적 공헌이 있을 뿐만 아니라, 성과 창출 이전 단계에 해당하는 기업가의 역량 개발에 관한 실제적인 정보를 제공했다는 점에서 실무적 공헌을 찾을 수 있겠다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.73
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• pp.7-34
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• 2015

This study attends to the effects of political entertainment as a newly emerging television genre on citizens' political talk. Particularly, this study suggests audience involvement and political information efficacy as key psychological factors that mediate the relationship between political entertainment and political discussion. More specifically, audience involvement was deemed as a conclusive concept that consists of such sub-dimensions as audience identification and parasocial interaction with program characters and transportation into the messages. Among 317 participants in an online survey, a total of 273 subjects, who had at least some viewing experience with political entertainment TV programs, were included in the final analysis. According to the findings, softer programs that piggyback political information on top of their entertainment content were more likely to increase viewers' identification and transportation. The viewer experience of identification further heightened the level of political information efficacy, which in turn positively contributed to one's willingness to participate in political talk and to hear the other side. It also appeared that political information efficacy significantly mediated the relationship between political entertainment viewing and political talk.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.25
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• pp.7-40
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• 2004

Today, nuclear energy conflict is caused from the dangerous radioactive material. The main party of this conflict are politic and economic systems which deride nuclear energy, and the persons concerned which it oppose and the anti-nuclear environment group. If the nuclear waste is transported from one nation to another nation, multi national anti-nuclear group appears as conflict party. We call this domestic and transnational risk communication new social movement. From the viewpoint of system theory, the new social movement can mean the offensive development of self-reference which withstand the "technicalization of communication" through the "symbolically generalized communication media" like money and power. By comparing Northeast Asia and Europe, the nuclear energy conflict did not show a big difference in the selection of nuclear waste storing site. In the Northeast Asia, when Taiwan exports the nuclear waste to North Korea, the international conflict broke out. In Europe, Germany has a hard experience with the construction-plan for the re-treating plant that produces the plutonium from the dangerous nuclear waste, and with the transnational transport of the nuclear waste. The new social movement aims the global paradigm which is able to guarantee the subtainability of ecological environment. The nuclear conflict in the "world risk society" is solved through the "discourse-alliance" which accomplishes sub-politics by crossing the border of class, nation and system.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.17 no.8
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• pp.321-327
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• 2019

The purpose of this research is to identify the level of perception of conflict with politics within nursing organizations in large general hospitals, and to empirically analyze how politics and conflicts in the organization affect workplace bullying(taeoom) within nursing organizations. The research method conducted multiple regression analysis on 273 nurses working at A University Hospital in Seoul. The analysis shows that political and relationship conflicts within the organization are amplifying the workplace bullying within the nursing system. It was confirmed that taeoom was also increasing as conflicts between factions or subgroups within the nursing system, alienation, and emotional conflicts among members grew. We hope that the future research regarding taeoom will seek serious theoretical insights and practical implications for its management.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.19 no.6
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• pp.24-32
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• 2019

This study examines the extent to which the differences in perceptions regarding principles of journalism and political identity between journalists and their news organizations are related to journalists' psychological burnout. To understand this, this study analyzes the secondary data of the 2017 South Korean journalists' consciousness conducted by the Korean Press Foundation. Psychological burnout consists of three subdimensions of MBI-GS: cynicism, lack of professional efficacy, and exhaustion. The differences in perceptions regarding the principles of journalism between journalists and their affiliated news organizations is measured by the differences in each of the seven reporting principles. This study found that the larger the difference in the perception of objectivity between journalists and their affiliated news organizations, the more likely they were to experience cynicism, lack of professional efficacy, and exhaustion. The greater the difference in political identity between journalists and their own organization, the more likely they were to have greater cynicism and exhaustion.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.5-38
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• 2009

This study analyzes the relationship since 1988 between National Assembly, president and political parties in Korea, and to find critical conditions for developing a mutually beneficial relationship among them. It argues that the levels of both internal power concentration and cohesiveness(or discipline) of political parties matter greatly, and applies them as theoretical framework for the historical review. By 2002, major political parties were highly concentrated in power and their discipline was strong. Consequently parties fought collectively with each other and Assemblies repeatedly saw standoffs and deadlocks. Reforms of 2002-04 that sought higher degree of party democracy and more autonomy among members of National Assembly have not been able to bring in a productive legislative-president relationship. A cohesive faction politics under the leadership of (potential) presidential candidates keeps it from growing. This study suggests further democratization of party power and more autonomy to individual Assembly members.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.301-338
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• 2021

John Woo's A Better Tomorrow arrived at the turning point of Korean society between 1987 and 1988. The Hong Kong movie boom that started here reached its peak around the 1990s. What does this phenomenon mean? Hong Kong action films have functioned as an important resource for Korean young male subculture since the late 1960s. The audience of A Better Tomorrow matches the audience of previous Hong Kong films in a generational and gendered way. The fascination of Hong Kong action films by young Korean men from 1987 to 1991 has nothing to do with Hong Kong's political context. However, a certain affect is shared between Korean and Hong Kong audiences. It could be said to be the brotherhood within the struggling group. The affective economies of this fraternity embodies the broad solidarity of 1987, the solidarity of comrades seeking to resist the violence of the world. It also works on symbolic and practical gender bias. In other words, this loyalty is nothing but loyalty between the (male) brothers who are confronting the injustice of the world. This is the "translational possibility" of A Better Tomorrow.