• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.47
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• pp.27-51
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• 2017

This paper considers opposition between lawyers to defend human rights which the Pacific Constitution of Japan guarantees and the public power represented by the prosecution's judicial power centered on sentencing in the 'Chatterley Trial' that was a Japanese representative literary trial which occurred after World War II. The lawyers' assertion is against the public power which reminds us of the Press Act before the war defeat. Although censorship is banned in the constitution, and it can be said that it is not a dimension just to protest the check of custom but the struggle not to reenact the past Japan.

• KOREAN POULTRY JOURNAL
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• v.4 no.12 s.38
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• pp.88-89
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• 1972

우리는 지난 11월 21일 국민투표를 통해 역사적인 유신헌법을 절대다수의 찬성으로 가결시켜 유신헌정의 터전을 마련하였다. 그리고 곧 이어서 이 헌법에 의해 새로이 마련될 통일주체국민회의를 구성할 2,359명의 대의원을 선출하기 위핸 선거법과 동시행령이 공포되고, 그 선거를 실시하게 되었다. 통일주체국민회의는 다른 어떤 나라의 헌정에도, 또한 과거 우리 나라에서도 일찍이 없었던 특수한 국가기구로서 남북으로 분단된 우리 민족의 특수한 상황에 입각하여 조국의 평화적 통일을 추구할 수 있도록 국력을 조직화하고 민족주체세력을 형상하는 중요한 기구이다. 그러므로 깨끗하고 올바른 선거로서 가장 양심적이며 능력있고 통일의 시대를 이끌 사명감에 투철하며, 평화통일을 위해 겅실히 노력할 수 있는 인물을 통일주체국민회의대의원으로 뽑아야 할 것이다. 그리하여 안정과 번영, 그리고 조국통일로 민족중흥을 다짐할 유신헌정의 우람한 출범을 위해 견고한 초석을 하져야 하겠다. 그러면 이와 같이 막중한 통일주체국민회의 대의원선거의 의의를 알아 보도록 하자.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.213-247
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• 2018

Thailand in 2017 the public sentiment has turned against the military government. The four pledges the military declared immediately after the 2014 coup, restoration of democracy, addressing of divisive politics, eradication of corruption, and stimulation of the economy have all failed. In the same year, however, Thai military junta began to recover it's diplomatic relationship with western countries including US and EU owing to promulgation of the new constitution endorsed by King Maha Vajiralongkorn and the lavish funeral of late King Bhumibol Adulyadej which was attended by huge number of condolence delegations from around the world including US Defense Secretary James Mattis. Since the 2014 coup, US has sanctioned the country under military junta led by General Prayuth Chan-o-cha for urging them back to the barracks. EU also joined this sanction measures. US signaled change in it's policy when General Prayuth got the chance to visit US and meet President Donal Trump in 2017. General Prayuth Chan-o-cha's military junta could start to restore it's reputation internationally. Domestically, he used absolute powers based on section 44 of the interim constitution, also guranteed in the new constitution. Oversea and national human rights groups have criticized that the interim constitution for permitting the NCPO, Thai military junta's official name, to carry out policies and actions without any effective oversight or accountability for human rights violations. On 1 December 2017, Thailand marked the one-year anniversary of King Maha Vajiralongkorn's accession to the throne as the country's new monarch, Rama X. In the first year of King Rama X's reign, arrests, prosecutions, and imprisonment under Article 112 of Thailand's Criminal Code (lese-majeste) have continued unabated in Thailand. NCPO has continued to abuse Article 112 to detain alleged violators and curb any form of discussion regarding the monarchy, particularly on social media. In this worsening human rights environment General Prayuth Chan-o-cha enforced continuously campaign like Thai-style democracy- an effort to promote largely autocratic 'Thainess' in such a way that freedom of expression is threatened. It is a resurgence of 'Sarit Model'. In the beginning of 2017 Thai military government raised the slogan of 'opportunity Thailand' in the context of 'Thailand 4.0' project which attempts to transform Thai economy based on industry-driven to innovation-driven for recovering robust growth. To consider freedom and liberty as a source of innovation, 'Thailand 4.0' led by 'Sarit Model' without democracy would be skeptical.

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.1-22
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• 2017

This study aims to examine the continuity of national education between prewar and postwar Japan in the context of nationalism and citizenship education by considering the direction and process of educational reform which has been a turning point in Japanese education policy. It explores the limitations of educational reform at the normative level and institutional and procedural level. Meiji Japan needed to form a united group to support modernization while also cultivating obedient people who supported the emperor, and the modern education system played a major role in achieving this task. After Japan's defeat in World War II, the nation sought to change the framework of authoritarian nationalism inherent in Japanese traditional through educational reforms and achieve the goals of democratization and non-militarization. The postwar educational reform has transformed the educational structure, but democracy and peace orientation have not been rooted internally. Under the backdrop of the Cold War, the education returned to the inverse.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.602-616
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• 2009

EU and NAFTA which are huge regional economic blocs came out the world economy at the end of the twentieth century. It is the first that Europe has been trying to establish regional economic integration which is a revolutionary change to world economy. So that regional economic integration of Europe(European Union) has been improving to make a complete economic political integration. This paper analyzes trade creation effect for joining European Union(EU) of Central Eastern European countries with random effect estimation and fixed effect estimation. 12 Central Eastern European countries have become membership states of EU since 2004 is able to get 27.4% of trade increase effect on average between old and new membership countries one another as well as between new membership countries one another respectively. It is very important for some countries have a plan to affiliate to EU in the future to realize such a big effect if they are in.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.50
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• pp.307-337
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• 2017

The freedom of assembly is the fundamental freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution. However, as far as our reality is concerned, the freedom of assembly is guaranteed only when it is under the control of the police, and otherwise it is perceived as an object to be suppressed. Police say even that they will not tolerate even a small illegal law while referring to the "broken window theory". Therefore, regardless of the peaceful nature of the rally, it is too obsessed with 'compliance'. This attitude is causing the citizens who participated in the assembly to be put to the object to be suppressed. This paper analyzes the requirements and current status of police force, focusing on the vehicle-wall-blocking and water cannon as a means of using the police force, which is a recent problem, and suggests ways to improve it. First of all, the installation of the wall cuts off the essential communication function of the assembly by separating the meeting place from the object of protest. Thus, despite the warning for prevention in the face of illegal acts, other than installing a barrier, it should be allowed only in the 'urgent case where there is a risk of causing damage to the life, body or property of the person'. Without this urgency, the vehicle-wall-blocking should not be allowed to be proactive as well as preventive. Secondly, the water cannon is a police force that is likely to harm people's life and body. Therefore, aiming shots, which could pose a significant risk to the human body, should in principle be prohibited. However, considering its risk, it should be supplementary used only when there is no other alternative, only when the direct risk to the legal interest of the other person or the order of public well-being is 'obvious'. In addition, as for the use standard of such a thing, it is necessary to be specified by law.