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A Study on the Tasks for the Preparation Process and Application of Faith Education Related to Experience (경험과 관련된 신앙교육 수업 준비과정과 적용을 위한 과제 연구)

  • Han, Kyoung-mi
    • Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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    • v.70
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    • pp.207-238
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    • 2022
  • Faith education focuses on 'changing the direction of life' that pursues the life of Christ. This is possible only when the message of the Bible is embodied in life, not by accumulating biblical knowledge. Today, however, faith education does not allow biblical messages to be embodied in life. This is the result of focusing on knowing the Bible itself, instead of guiding the faith education to meet the Bible and the experience of human life. Church education emphasized the inner faith of individuals rather than changes in life and practice, preparing for the afterlife, and mostly for the training and quantitative growth of the church. As a result, in the COVID-19 era, Protestants showed an immature appearance that only cared about the safety of the church, and social trust in Protestants was lost. Therefore, faith education should educate what life of the Bible and the experiences of the learner will meet and respond to God in order for the Bible's message to be realized in life. I tried to find out how to prepare for this faith education in detail. So I would like to look at "The preparation process for religious classes related to experience" compiled by the German Protestant Lutheran Bavarian Presbyterian Church and present tasks for application to the Korean Church. Preparation for experience-related religious classes consists of five courses. It is a personal meeting, a theological orientation, a pedagogical orientation, a pedagogical decision, and a summary of the progress plan. The main purpose of this process is to learn how biblical believers interpreted their experiences in life from the perspective of faith and tried to overcome the problem. Faith education related to experience deals with the essence of faith education, not one of the Bible teaching methods. Although the field of education is in the social change of expanding from the real world to the virtual world, the essential nature of faith education cannot change. Therefore, research and application of faith education related to experience in Korean churches will help the biblical message to be embodied in Christian life.

The Context and Significance of Songs of the Dao of Great Gods (대화신도가사의 내용과 의의)

  • Kim Tak
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.43
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    • pp.139-177
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    • 2022
  • The only text that aids in the understanding of Songs of the Dao of Great Gods (大化神道歌詞), which was established by Yun Jin in 1984, is Mok-wun daegyeong (木運大經, The Great Scripture of Wood-Destiny) published by Oh Yeol-gyun in 1976. This scripture includes five songs: Wun-hoe dongbang-ga (運回東方歌, Songs of Destiny-Returning to the East), Gung-eul-ga (弓乙歌, Songs of Gung-eul), Dodeok-sa (道德詞, Morality Poems), Palguae-gugung byeon-yeok-ga (八卦九宮變易歌, Songs on the Changes of the Eight Trigrams and Nine Palaces), and Nakdang-ga (樂堂歌, Songs of the Paradisiacal Lands). Songs of the Dao of Great Gods, which is prone to embracing Daoist characteristics, is meant to be sung upon the realization of the Later World, the ideal earth. This is expressed as spring. In addition, we can easily find key terms such as Sampung-ga (三豊歌), Yangbaek-segye (兩白世界), Gung-eul-ga (弓乙歌), Gunggung-euleul (弓弓乙乙), Yanggung (兩弓), Euleul (乙乙), Gung-eul seonin (弓乙仙人), Samin-ilseok (三人一夕), Yijae-jeonjeon (利在田田), Gung-eul jiri (弓乙之理), Naenggeum-bugeum (冷金浮金), Seokjeong-gon (石井昆), Yangbaek (兩白), Sampung (三豊), and Sodumujok (小頭無足), all of which appear frequently in traditional prophecies and the faiths they have inspired. The precise meaning of these terms has yet to be revealed. Furthermore, Songs of the Dao of Great Gods contains lyrics prophesying that the return of the wood-destiny of the East and emphasizing the destiny of 3-8 wood as based on the Yellow River Chart (河圖). Songs of the Dao of Great Gods, originated the term, the World of Paradisiacal Lands (樂堂世界), and prophesyed that the wood-destiny of the East would return to create a new world that took Korea as its center. The text emphasized wood-destiny, symbolized by spring, and argued that the Dao of Great Gods could be ascetained from the principle of water-producing wood (水生木) found in the Eastern study of changes (易學) as approached by Choi Su-Wun (水雲), the founder of Donghak (東學).

A Study on the Discourse Regarding the Lineage Transmission to Haewol in the Eastern Learning: Focused on Document Verification (해월의 동학 도통전수 담론 연구 - 문헌 고증을 중심으로 -)

  • Park Sang-kyu
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.48
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    • pp.41-155
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    • 2024
  • Among the records that attest to the period from July to August of 1863, when Suwun was believed to have transmitted the orthodox lineage to Haewol, the oldest documents are The Collection of Suwun's Literary Works (水雲文集), The Collection of Great Master Lord's Literary Works (大先生主文集), and The Records of Dao Origin of Master Choe's Literary Collection (崔先生文集道源記書, hereafter referred to as The Records of Dao Origin). The records regarding Suwun in these three documents are considered to have originated from the same context. The variances embedded in the three documents have led to arguments about which documents accurately reflect the fact of orthodox lineage transmission. Additionally, these variances highlight the necessity of a review regarding the characteristics of early Eastern Learning, such as its faith and organizational systems. Accordingly, by thoroughly examining these three documents, it is possible to elucidate the chronological order, establishment-date, accuracy, descriptive direction, and characteristics of the faith system of early Eastern Learning as these are reflected in each document. If successful, this examination would provide a clearer description of the developmental process of Eastern Learning from 1860 to 1880, facilitating a more in-depth analysis of the significance embedded in various forms of discourse on the movement's orthodox lineage transmission. In comparing the three documents and contrasting them with related sources, the results of the textual examination assert that the documents within the lineage of The Collection of Suwun's Literary Works, given they lack a clear record of the event regarding Haewol's orthodox lineage succession, may be the first draft of The Collection of Great Master Lord's Literary Works and The Records of Dao Origin, as these texts distinctly include that record. This reflects that Haewol's succession was not precisely recognized within and outside of the Eastern Learning order until the time when The Collection of Great Master Lord's Literary Works and The Records of Dao Origin were published. This is further attested to by the fact that during the late 1870s, when various Yeonwon (fountainhead) factions of Eastern Learning began to converge around Haewol, and his Yeonwon became the largest organization within Eastern Learning. At that point, the order's doctrine was reinterpreted, and its organization was reestablished. In this regard, it is necessary to view Eastern Learning after Suwun-especially the orthodox lineage transmission to Haewol-from a perspective that considers it more as competing forms of discourse than as a historical fact. This view enables a new perspective on Haewol's Eastern Learning, which forms a distinct layer from Suwun's, shedding light on the relationship between Haewol and the new religious movements in modern-day Korea.

Records Management and Archives in Korea : Its Development and Prospects (한국 기록관리행정의 변천과 전망)

  • Nam, Hyo-Chai
    • Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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    • v.1 no.1
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    • pp.19-35
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    • 2001
  • After almost one century of discontinuity in the archival tradition of Chosun dynasty, Korea entered the new age of records and archival management by legislating and executing the basic laws (The Records and Archives Management of Public Agencies Ad of 1999). Annals of Chosun dynasty recorded major historical facts of the five hundred years of national affairs. The Annals are major accomplishment in human history and rare in the world. It was possible because the Annals were composed of collected, selected and complied records of primary sources written and compiled by generations of historians, As important public records are needed to be preserved in original forms in modern archives, we had to develop and establish a modern archival system to appraise and select important national records for archival preservation. However, the colonialization of Korea deprived us of the opportunity to do the task, and our fine archival tradition was not succeeded. A centralized archival system began to develop since the establishment of GARS under the Ministry of Government Administration in 1969. GARS built a modem repository in Pusan in 1984 succeeding to the tradition of History Archives of Chosun dynasty. In 1998, GARS moved its headquarter to Taejon Government Complex and acquired state-of-the-art audio visual archives preservation facilities. From 1996, GARS introduced an automated archival management system to remedy the manual registration and management system complementing the preservation microfilming. Digitization of the holdings was the key project to provided the digital images of archives to users. To do this, the GARS purchased new computer/server systems and developed application softwares. Parallel to this direction, GARS drastically renovated its manpower composition toward a high level of professionalization by recruiting more archivists with historical and library science backgrounds. Conservators and computer system operators were also recruited. The new archival laws has been in effect from January 1, 2000. The new laws made following new changes in the field of records and archival administration in Korea. First, the laws regulate the records and archives of all public agencies including the Legislature, the Judiciary, the Administration, the constitutional institutions, Army, Navy, Air Force, and National Intelligence Service. A nation-wide unified records and archives management system became available. Second, public archives and records centers are to be established according to the level of the agency; a central archives at national level, special archives for the National Assembly and the Judiciary, local government archives for metropolitan cities and provinces, records center or special records center for administrative agencies. A records manager will be responsible for the records management of each administrative divisions. Third, the records in the public agencies are registered in the computer system as they are produced. Therefore, the records are traceable and will be searched or retrieved easily through internet or computer network. Fourth, qualified records managers and archivists who are professionally trained in the field of records management and archival science will be assigned mandatorily to guarantee the professional management of records and archives. Fifth, the illegal treatment of public records and archives constitutes a punishable crime. In the future, the public records find archival management will develop along with Korean government's 'Electronic Government Project.' Following changes are in prospect. First, public agencies will digitize paper records, audio-visual records, and publications as well as electronic documents, thus promoting administrative efficiency and productivity. Second, the National Assembly already established its Special Archives. The judiciary and the National Intelligence Service will follow it. More archives will be established at city and provincial levels. Third, the more our society develop into a knowledge-based information society, the more the records management function will become one of the important national government functions. As more universities, academic associations, and civil societies participate in promoting archival awareness and in establishing archival science, and more people realize the importance of the records and archives management up to the level of national public campaign, the records and archival management in Korea will develop significantly distinguishable from present practice.

A Study on Garden Design Principles in "Sakuteiki(作庭記)" - Focused on the "Fungsu Theory"(風水論) - (「사쿠테이키(作庭記)」의 작정원리 연구 - 풍수론(風水論)을 중심으로 -)

  • Kim, Seung-Yoon
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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    • v.41 no.6
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    • pp.1-19
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    • 2013
  • This study tries to review 'Sakuteiki(作庭記)', the Book of Garden Making, compiled at the end of the 11th Century during the Heian Period of Japan, from the East-Asian perspective. 'Sakuteiki' is a Garden Theory Book, the oldest in the world as well as in Asia, and it contains the traditional knowledge of Japanese ancient garden culture, which originated from the continent(Korea and China). Traditional knowledge related to East-Asian garden culture reviewed in this paper is "Fungsu Theory"(風水, Asian traditional ecology: Fengshui in Chinese; Fusui in Japanese), stemmed from the culture to seek sound and blessed places to live in. Viewed from modern landscape architecture, the Fungsu Theory corresponds to ecology(science). The Fungsu Theory was established around the Han Dynasty of China together with the Yinyangwuxing(陰陽五行) Theory and widely used for making human residences including gardens. It was transmitted to Japan via Korea as well as through direct transaction between Japan and China. This study reinterprets garden design principles represented in Sakuteiki, which were selected in 5 key words according to the Fungsu Theory. The 5 key words for the Fungsu Theory are "the place in harmony of four guardian gods(四神相應地)", "planting trees in the four cardinal directions", "flow of Chi(氣)", "curved line and asymmetry", and "mountain is the king, water is the people". Garden design principles of "the place in harmony of four guardian gods(四神相應地)" and "planting trees in the four cardinal directions" are corresponding to "Myeongdang-ron(明堂論, Theory of propitious site)". The place in harmony of four guardian gods mentioned in Sakuteiki is a landform surrounded by the flow of water to the east, the great path to the west, the pond to the south, and the hill to the north. And the Theory originated from Zhaijing(宅經, Classic of dwelling Sites) of China. According to this principle, the city was planned and as a miniature model, the residence of the aristocrat during the Heian period was made. At the residence the location of the garden surrounded by the four gods(the flow of water, the great path, the pond, and the hill) is the Myeongdang(明堂, the propitious site: Mingtang in Chinese; Meido in Japanese). Sakuteiki explains how to substitute for the four gods by planting trees in the four cardinal directions when they were not given by nature. This way of planting originated from Zhaijing(宅經) and also goes back to Qiminyaoshu (齊民要術), compiled in the 6th Century of China. In this way of planting, the number of trees suggested in Sakuteiki is related to Hetu(河圖) and Luoshu(洛書), which are iconography of Yi(易), the philosophy of change, in ancient China. Such way of planting corresponds to that of Yongdoseo(龍圖墅, the villa based on the principle of Hetu) presented in Sanrimgyeongje (山林經濟), an encyclopedia on agriculture and living in the 17th Century of Korea. And garden design principles of "the flow of Chi(氣)", "curved line and asymmetry" is connected to "Saenggi Theory(生氣論, Theory of vitality)". Sakuteiki explains the right flow of Chi(氣) through the proper flow and the reverse flow of the garden stream and also suggests the curved line of the garden stream, asymmetric arrangement of bridges and stones in the garden, and indented shape of pond edges, which are ways of accumulating Chi(氣) and therefore lead to "Saenggi Theory" of the Fungsu Theory. The last design principle, "mountain is the king, water is the people", is related to "Hyeongguk Theory(形局論, Theory of form)" of the Fungsu Theory. Sakuteiki explains the meaning of garden through a metaphor, which views mountain as king, water as the people, and stones as king's retainers. It compares the situation in which the king governs the people with the help of his retainers to the ecological phenomena in which mountain(earth) controls water with the help of stones. This principle befits "Hyeongguk Theory(形局論, Theory of form)" of the Fungsu Theory which explains landform on the analogy of social systems, people, animals and things. As above, major garden design principles represented in Sakuteiki can be interpreted in the context of the Fungsu Theory, the traditional knowledge system in East Asia. Therefore, we can find the significance of Sakuteiki in that the wisdom of ancient garden culture in East-Asia was integrated in it, although it described the knowhow of a specific garden style in a specific period of Japan.

A Study on the Yousang-Dae Goksuro(Curve-Waterway) in Gangneung, Yungok-Myun, Yoodung Ri (강릉 연곡면 유등리 '유상대(流觴臺)' 곡수로(曲水路)의 조명(照明))

  • Rho, Jae-Hyun;Shin, Sang-Sup;Lee, Jung-Han;Huh, Jun;Park, Joo-Sung
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.30 no.1
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    • pp.14-21
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    • 2012
  • The object of the study, Yousang-Dae(流觴臺) and engraved Go broad text on the flat rock in Gangneung-si Yungok-myun Yoodung-ri Baemgol, reveals that the place was for appreciating arts like Yusang Goksu and Taoist hermit's games. three times of detail reconnaissance survey brought about the results as follows. There is a the text, Manwolsan(滿月山) Baegundongcheon(白雲洞天), engraved on the rock in Baegunsa(白雲寺) that had been built by Doun at the first year of King Hungang(in 875) of the United Shilla, became in ruins in the middle of Joseon, and then was rebuilt in 1954. The text is an invaluable evidence indicating that the tradition of Taoist hermit and Sunbee(classical scholars) culture has been generated in Baemgol Valley. According to the 2nd vol. of Donghoseungram(東湖勝覽), the chronicle of Gangneung published by Choi Baeksoon in 1934, there is a record saying that 'Baegunsa in Namjeonhyeon is the classroom where famous teachers like Yulgok Lee Yi or Seongje Choi Ok were teaching' that verifies the historic property of the place. In addition, the management of Nujeong(樓亭) and Dongcheon can be traced through Baegunjeong(白雲亭) constructed by Kim Yoonkyung(金潤卿) in Muo year, the 9th year of Cheoljong(1858) according to Donghoseungram and the completed version of Jeungboyimyoungji(增補臨瀛誌). Also, Baegundongdongcheon(白雲亭洞天), the text engraved on the standing stone across the stream from Yousang-Dae stone, was created 3 years after the Baegunjeong construction in the 12th year of Cheoljong(1861), which refers a symbolic sign closely related with Yousang-Dae. Based on this premise and circumstance, with careful studying the remains of 'Yusang-dae' Goksuro, we discovered that the Sebun-seok(細分石) controling the amount and the speed of moving water and the remains of furrows of Keumbae-soek(擒盃石) and Yubae-gong(留盃孔) containing water stream with cups through the mountain stream and rocks around Yusang-Dae. In addition, as 21 people's names engraved under the statement of 'Oh-Seong(午星)' were discovered on the bottom of the rock, this clearly confirms that the place was one of the main cultural footholds of tasting the arts which have characteristics of Yu-Sang-Gok-Su-Yeon(流觴曲水宴) until the middle of the 20th century. It implies that the arts tasting culture of Sunbees had been inherited centering on Yusang-dae in this particular place until the middle of the 20th century. It is necessary to be studied in depth because the place is a historic and unique cultural place where 'Confucianism, Buddhism, and Zen'were combined together. Based on the result of the study, the identification of 23 people as well as the writer of Yusang-Dae text should be carefully studied in depth in terms of the characteristics of the place through gathering data about appreciation of arts like Yusanggoksu. Likewise, we should make efforts to discover the chess board engraved on the rock described on the documents, thus we should consider to establish plans to recover the original shape of the place, for example, breaking the cement pavement of the road, additional excavation, changing the existing route, and so fourth.

Expression and Deployment of Folk Taoism(民間道敎) in the late of Chosŏn Dynasty (조선 후기 민간도교의 발현과 전개 - 조선후기 관제신앙, 선음즐교, 무상단 -)

  • Kim, Youn-Gyeong
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.35
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    • pp.309-334
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    • 2012
  • This study attempts to study in what form Folk Taoism in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty has existed and discuss the contents and characteristics of ideological aspects forming the foundation of private Taoism. While Guan Yu Belief(關帝信仰) in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty is a folk belief focusing on Guan Yu, Seoneumjeulgyo(善陰?敎) and Musangdan(無相壇) are religious groups with organization. In case of Seoneumjeulgyo(善陰?敎), 'Seoneumjeul' contains perspective of Tian(天觀) of Confucianism but the ascetic practice method is to practice by reciting the name of the Buddha and the targets of a belief are Gwanje, Munchang, Buwoo. This shows the unified phenomenon of Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism of Folk Taoism in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty. Guan Yu Belief started at the national level led by the royal family of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ after Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 was firmly settled in non-official circles. Guan Yu in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty is expressed as the incarnation of loyalty and filial piety as well as God controlling life, death and fate. As this divine power and empowerment were spreading as scriptures among people, Guan Yu Belief was settled as a target to defeat the evil and invoke a blessing. Seoneumjeulgyo is the religious group that imitated 'Paekryunsa(白蓮社)' of Ming Qing time of China. Seoneumjeulgyo emphasized 'sympathy' with God through chanting. And it expressed writing written in the state of religious ecstasy as 'Binan(飛鸞).' Binan is also called as revelation and means to be revealed from heaven in the state united with God. Seoneumjeulgyo pursued the state united with God through a recitation of a spell and made scriptures written in the state united with God as its central doctrine. Musangdan published and spread Nanseo(鸞書,Book written by the revelation from God) and Seonso(善書) while worshipping Sam Sung Je Kun(三聖帝君). The scriptures of Folk Taoismin the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty can be roughly divided into Nanseo(鸞書) and Seonso(善書). Nanseo is a book written by the revelation from God and Seonso is a book to the standards of good deeds and encourage a person to do them such as Taishangganyingbian(太上感應篇) and Gonghwagyuk(功過格). The characteristics of Folk Taoism in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty are as follows. First, a shrine of Guan Yu built for political reasons played a central role of Folk Taoism in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty. Second, specific private Taoist groups such as Temple $Myory{\breve{o}}nsa$ and Musangdan appeared in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty. These are Nandan Taoism(鸞壇道敎) that pursued the unity of God through 'sympathy' with God. Third, private Taoism of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ was influenced by the unity of Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism with private Taoism in the Qing Dynasty of China and religious organization form etc. Fourth, the Folk Taoism scriptures of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ are divided into Nanseo and Seonso and Nanseo directly made in $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ is expected to be the key to reveal the characteristics of Folk Taoism.

Investigation of the location of Jagiso eunchon in Goheung-hyeon and review the characteristics of Undae-ri kiln (고흥현 자기소(磁器所) 은촌(犾村)의 위치 탐색과 운대리 가마터 성격 검토)

  • SUNG Yungil
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.56 no.4
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    • pp.72-92
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    • 2023
  • As described above, the location of Jagiso eunchon in Goheung-hyeon and the nature of Undae-ri kiln site were examined. Goheung-hyeon's administrative agency was moved to Joyang-hyeon, which is now Joseong-myeon, Boseong-gun in 1395. Therefore, Goheung-hyeon Jagiso Eunchon in Sejongsillok Jiriji corresponding to 1424~1432 should be found in the west of Joseong-myeon, Boseong, where the administrative agency was moved in 1395. Among the four boundaries of Goheung-hyeon recorded in the 『Sejongsillok』 Jiriji, it is recorded as 2-ri by the sea in the south and 8-ri by Nakan in the east. If the current Goheung-hyeon is Goheung-hyeon's administrative agency in the Sejongsillok Jiriji Records Compilation Period, it cannot be the boundary the south and east mentioned above. This is because it cannot be 2-ri from the current Goheung-eup to the sea in the south, and Nakan is close to the north, not the east, as recorded. However, it has already been suggested that Joyanghyeonseong(朝陽縣城), located in Gonae Village, Ucheon-ri, Josung-myeon, Boseonggun is an Goheunghyeon's administrative agency. And if the four-way boundary of Goheung-hyeon was converted into the current distance unit based on this place(Joyanghyeonseong, 朝陽縣城), an approximate result could be obtained even if it did not exactly match. Therefore, it is highly likely that Goheung-hyeon's administrative agency, which was moved to Joyang-hyeon, Boseong in 1395, is Gonae Village, Ucheon-ri, JoSeong-myeon, Boseong. Jagiso eunchon(犾村) in Goheung-hyeon can be interpreted as a "dog-shouting village." It is thought to be a meaning structure of "animal + sound". A place name thought to have the same structure was identified in Jeongheung-ri, west of Ucheon-ri, Joseongmyeon, Boseong. It is the name of a village called Hoeum-dong(虎吟洞), and it is interpreted as the sound of a tiger or the bark of a tiger, which is the same as the meaning structure of Eunchon. However, there is Gaesan Village in the south of Hoeum-dong, and a Buncheong ware kiln site was identified around it. At this kiln site, a fragment of carved Buncheong ware engraved with the character "Eon", which corresponds to the right stroke of the character "Seom (贍)" in the name "Naeseom (內贍)" was identified. A small amount of Buncheong ware and Joseon celadon pieces were also identified. It can be seen that the Buncheong ware paid to the government was made by checking the Buncheong ware with the government name engraved on it. On the west side of Joyanghyeonseong Fortress in Ucheon-ri, joseong-myeon, Boseong, which was the administrative agency of Goheung-hyeon and the area around the Gaesan Buncheong ware kiln site in Jeongheung-ri, where the Buncheong ware paid to the government was, is thought to be Jagiso Eunchon, Goheung-hyeon. Jagiso and Dogiso are located in the four directions based on the administrative agency. Naturally, the location of Jagiso and Dogiso is also determined on where the administrative agency of Hyeon is. Since the Goheung-hyeon's administrative agency in the early Joseon Dynasty was moved to Ucheon-ri, joseong-myeon, Boseong-myeon, it is necessary to naturally find Jagiso and Dogiso in Boseong. In addition, regarding the nature of the kiln site in Undae-ri, the aspects of the excavated relics were considered. As a result, it is believed that the Undae-ri kiln site functioned as a jagiso in Heungyang-hyeon from February 1441 to the 1470s. If so, the "Ye" Buncheong ware, which was collected around Undae-ri kiln No. 7, could be naturally understood.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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