• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.25
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• pp.101-127
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• 2006

JANG-YOOK-DANG(장육당) is the pen-name of Lee, Byeol(이별). His elder brother is Lee, won(이원). He was putted to death by the king Yeon-san(연산군). So abandoning the way of the world, JANG-YOOK-DANG hided himself at mountain valley in Peong-san of Hwng-haedo(황해도 평산). Here he angled for fish and with the persons over sixty years old drunk, sang the songs. Then he composed the poem . This poem spreaded abroad, and came to the ears of Lee, Hwang(이황). He criticized this poem to have irreverence by casting upon the world, not to have gentleness and affability. But imitating the poem he composed intended to be sung. For that gentleness and affability are the instruction of the Poetry, he filled the poems with contents of the gentleness and the affability. But the livings of the two persons were different, and then their poems was intended to be sung were different. In these different contents, we can not say that this or that is right. JANG-YOOK-DANG would do to express his bitter sentiments by his song.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.95-95
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• 1993

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.37
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• pp.97-134
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• 2013

Kim Ee-man was born and grew up in Jecheon (堤川). As a government officer and a Confucian scholar belonging to Namin School, Kim Ee-man was active in the early and middle of 18th century. Kim Ee-man composed good poems since he was a child. In addition to being a good poet, Kim Ee-man later became a model government officer, who had thorough awareness on serving citizens (爲民). When he was a governor in Yangsan (梁山) county, he built an embankment for farmers by out of his own salary. The academic world of Kim Ee-man faithfully succeeded the basis of Toegyehak (退溪學) and he took Sohak (小學) as important. The reason of Kim Ee-man having established a practical guideline in the form of inscription and proverbs was also directly related to the issue of moral practice. Kim Ee-man also received the influence of ancient classic study from his teacher Lee Seo-woo (李瑞雨) and took Yookgyeong (六經, Six Classics in China) important in practice. Kim Ee-man started the study on Joojahak (朱子學, the doctrines of Chu-tzu) in later years. He became more thorough in being a public figure while reinforcing effort on differentiating the principle of heaven (天理) and human desire (人欲).

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.31
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• pp.33-52
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• 2011

This study intends to understand Kobong's thought, especially the problem of Self-cultivation. Kobong, along with Toegye(退溪), is a major figure to understand Confucian ideas of Chosun in the 16th century. There has been a lot of research centered on Kobong's Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情), but not much on the Self-cultivation of Kobong. Confucianism is basically to seek after actualization of Perfect Virtue(仁) and the way to be a sage, through the pursuit of self-discipline(修己 明明德) and social practice(安人 新民). The problems of Confucianism might be summarized as follows: interest and appreciation for the source of existence(知天/事天); harmony in relationships and practices(愛人/愛物); both of the above together. Therefore, Self-cultivation is to change the self, the subject of one's life, through the relationship between man and heaven. Kobong and Toegye had debated for about eight years(1559-1566) over the problem of human nature, especially emotion(情), and virtue and vice(善惡) fundamental position of Toegye is that the difference between Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情) can be understood as emotion with qualitative distinction. By contrast, Kobong sees the relationship between Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情) as that of total and partial. Discussion on the Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情) is not restricted within the problem of logical analysis of concepts or theoretical validity, but come to a conclusion with the problem of Self-cultivation(修養). In this sense, Kobong tried to follow Neo-Confucian theory of human nature and self-cultivation, on the assumption of Confucian self-discipline and social practice.

• Proceedings of the Korea Water Resources Association Conference
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• 2012.05a
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• pp.684-684
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• 2012

하천유량측정은 불가피하게 사교형태의 교량에서 측정을 해야하는 경우가 적지 않다. 이러한 교량에서의 유량측정은 수위-단면적이 과대산정되어 유량 역시 크게 산정되므로 이에 대한 보정을 필요로 한다. 본 연구에서는 왕숙천에 위치한 퇴계원 수위관측소 하류 400m 위치에서의 도섭법을 통한 횡단면 측선각도 변화에 따른 유량차의 비교와 오산천에 위치한 약 $45^{\circ}$ 사교(탑동대교)의 탑동 수위관측소 위치의 교량법을 이용한 유량측정 성과, 한탄강에 위치한 약 $15^{\circ}$ 사교(한탄대교)의 전곡 수위관측소 상류 1km에 위치한 한탄대교에서의 교량법 측정 성과에 따른 유량차를 비교 분석하였다. 한강유역 왕숙천, 오산천, 한탄강에 위치한 퇴계원 지점, 탑동 지점, 전곡 지점에서 실시간 수위에 따른 유속을 측정하였으며, 퇴계원 지점에서는 횡단면에 직각인 측선을 기준 값으로 제시하고, 횡단방향각의 정도를 $10^{\circ}$, $30^{\circ}$, $50^{\circ}$으로 늘려 산정을 하였고, 탑동과 전곡 지점에서는 사교에서의 횡단각을 측정하여 사교의 각을 산정한 후 보정 전 후의 유량 값을 비교 분석하였다. 측정에 사용된 기기는 Price AA 유속계이고, 측정방법은 도섭법과 교량법을 적용하였다. 그 결과 직각인 측선에서 측정한 유량보다 사교형태에서 측정한 유량이 크게 산정되었다. 각 지점의 보정전 후 유량비는 탑동 지점 약 41.42%, 전곡 지점 약 3.53%로 산정되어 $15^{\circ}$ 사교의 전곡 지점에 비해 $45^{\circ}$ 사교의 탑동 지점의 보정전 후 유량차이가 크게 나타남에 따라 각이 클수록 유량 역시 과대하게 산정됨을 알 수 있었다. 따라서 유량측정을 실시할 경우 유량의 흐름방향을 기준으로 직각의 유량측정을 실시하여 유량을 산정하되 부득이한 경우로 사교에서의 측정이 이루어졌을시 흐름 방향을 기준으로 각도를 측정하여 크게 나타나는 수위-단면적에 각보정하여 유량을 산정함이 오차를 줄일 수 있으며, 신뢰성 있는 유량자료 생산의 방법이라 할 수 있겠다.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.54
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• pp.213-233
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• 2014

The present study examines Bangsanjib(舫山集, Collected Works of Bangsan) written by Heo Hun (許薰, pen name: Bangsan), a scholar of the late Joseon Dynasty. Chapter 2 reviews the author's life and his academic orientations against the backdrop of his times. Chapter 3 goes on to select some of his essays and analyze their contents and characteristics. In Chapter 2, Bangsan is portrayed as a hermit scholar who devoted his entire life to his scholarly achievements. Although he tried to develop his academic theories based on both the Geungi and Yeongnam Schools of Neo-Confucianism, the scholar was more inclined to the Geungi School. Chapter 3 analyzes Bangsan's essays in Classical Chinese with a focus on two themes: The first is the author's loyalty to the academic tradition of the Geungi School, which is demonstrated by his positivistic and pragmatic approach to philosophical issues. The second is his awareness of self-reliant national defense as is revealed by his assertion that Joseon should have knowledge, and provide education, on new weapons in order to be better equipped with such military equipment and become a powerful nation.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.18 no.3
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• pp.395-404
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to analyze the research published in Korea on the live atrium of Toegye Lee Hwang and present its applicability as a health dance program.To this end, Korean academic journals, the Korean Institute of Information Scientists and Engineers, and DBpia searched Korean journal publications with the keyword 'active visit', and 24 articles published from 1974 to December 2018 were classified into the Korean Research Foundation.According to the criteria, they were classified and analyzed into subclasses. As a result, first, the research trends of academic disciplines by year tended to increase the participation of various academic disciplines in the atrium.The interests of the live atrium differed in the order of physical education.Second, in terms of research subjects, more researches attempted to identify active atria as a research topic than research suggesting a plan.Third, the trends of the research topics were in order to study academic definition of live atrium, to find out the relationship between live atrium and other disciplines, to propose ways to use them, and to develop programs.Fourth, by applying the live atrium to a dance program, we found the potential as a dance program for health promotion.It is expected that these findings will not only provide the basic data for the possibility of a health dance program integrated with various fields, but also contribute to the search for the direction of health dance program research.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.141
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• pp.313-342
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• 2017

This paper illuminates the philosophical meaning of appropriateness(中節) in Yi Yik(李瀷) and Shin Hudam(愼後聃)'s theories of moral emotion. According to this paper, there was a difficult problem in Toegye Yi Hwang (退溪 李滉)'s philosophy. That is, How we could regulate the relation between Four Beginnings(四端) and appropriate Seven Feelings(七情). Yi Yik tried to solve this problem by elucidating philosophical significances of appropriate Seven Feelings as it were, one hand, he approved the morality of appropriate Seven Feelings, and on the other hand, differentiated appropriate Seven Feelings from Four Beginnings. Thereby He achieved to explain this problem. His solution was dependent on the concept of 'impartial sympathic spectator' that he suggested. It is valuable that Yi Yik reexamined the ethical meaning of appropriateness. His pupil Shin Hudam, however, criticised Yi Yik's opinion and identified Four Beginnings with appropriate Seven Feelings. Shin Hudam deconstructed the conceptual scheme of moral emotion suggested by Yi Yik and regarded appropriate Seven Feelings as Four Beginnings. According to Shin Hudam, the concept of appropriate Seven Feelings designed by Yi Yik was very ambiguous, actually there was no any dividing line between Four Beginnings and appropriate Seven Feelings. Both are equally moral principle manifestation(理發)and moral public(公). Now old concept category of moral emotion(Sadan and Chiljeong) was disappeared and new concept category of moral emotion was appeared, that is public and private.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.3
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• pp.49-61
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• 2019

This study aims to examine the spatial recognition of the characters who visited Anuisamdong(安義三洞) in the past and left it in the literature. Thus, the school's relationship between people identified in the relevant literature was analyzed and the elements of landscape were extracted. The results were as follows; First, The figures who authored the literature on Anuisamdong were related to scholars living in Anuihyun(安義縣), along with the Yeongnam confucian genealogy. Starting with Jung, Yeo-Chang(鄭汝昌) in the 15th century, a relationship centered on Nammyeong School(南溟學派) in the 16th century was formed. At that time, people had toured the Anuisamdong regardless of the academic background. In the 17th century, Nammyeong School were in conflict with Toegye School(退溪學派), so Toegye School's influence had no record. In the 18th century, the proportion of Nammyeong School, Toegye School, and Kiho School(畿湖學派) appeared similar as they evolved into the Yeongnam School(嶺南學派). After the 19th century, the proportion of patriots who participated in the anti-Japanese movement was higher than that of schools. Second, The main places used in the literature related to Anuisamdongwere the order of Wonhakdong(猿鶴洞), Hwrimdong(花林洞) and Simjindong(尋眞洞). There are a total of 21 major elements used for the related literature, of which Suseungdae Rock(搜勝臺), Morijae House(某里齋), Nongwaljeong Pavilion(弄月亭), Sasundae Rock(四仙臺) and Cheoksuam Rock(滌愁巖) were the main subjects. Elements of Wonhakdong have been in the spotlight since the 16th century, focusing on Suseungdae Rock. Although the elements of Hwarimdong have been increasing gradually since the 18th century, the ratio of Simjindong to Wonhakdong and Hwarimdong was relatively small. Third, The relationship between the figures who visited the Anuisamdong and the spatial recognition of the Anuisamdong was divided into landscape awareness, emotional awareness and symbolic recognition. The Anuisamdong's scenic view is mostly identified by its description of the waterscape and topographical landscape, which people may have perceived as a scenic site centered on the valley view at the time. The mutual influence of Nammyeong School and Toegye School in the 16th and 17th centuries led to a scene in which the major figures of each school recognized pleasure as a culture of training, and a feeling of longing for the traces of past ancestors as the 18th century travel culture and the 19th century chaotic situation. In addition, the symbolic expression that usually appears is likely to have been recognized as a unworldly place, as the location of the immortal world is confirmed.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.57
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• pp.67-102
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• 2014

Yeoheon is a representative recluse and philosopher in the 17th Joseon dynasty. His contemporary intellectuals considered him as a sincere nobleman, Confucius in the Joseon, and moreover a saint, a cornerstone of culture, and a model for Confucianists. As a politician, he was regarded as practicing the stabilization of the people's livelihood and education, which are the key ideas of Confucian politics, when he serviced as a local governmental office twice. In addition, his ruler thought that he was right, wise, and modest, and therefore had the dignity of the old sage. His subordinates considered that he possessed the way of the old great ministers and the eye to see the current state of affairs. His theory of the Yijing is based on Cheng-Zhou learning, but developed their interpretation of the text. In addition, he discussed that Confucianism is a practical learning. His theory of the ritual was considered to follow Zhu Xi's works, but refer the old rituals and overcome the aspect of minor customs. His contemporary scholars thought that his theory of Neo-Confucianism revealed the essence of Li-Four and Qi-Seven theory regardless of scholarly parties, which were formed after Toegye and Yulgok. However, he proposed the Li-longitude and Qi-latitude theory in order to restore the real values, but it is similar to Yulgok's theory, which was criticized by the schools of Toegye and South Faction near Seoul. However, his theories revealed the fact that Joseon Confucianism cannot be simply differentiated as two major theories of "Centering on Li" and "Centering on Qi. In addition, his ideas of the universe and concern for the old showed that Joseon Confucianism is not just a theory, but is related to our lives and therefore practical in its nature.