• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.1-42
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• 2018

This is an ethnographic study to explore the cultural tourism villages of the ethnic Tay people in Mai Chau district, Hoa Binh province, northern Vietnam. We can draw out the contradictions between the representations and realties by focusing on the patterns of everyday life in the villages as well as the tourists' actual gaze on the villages. This paper begins by describing the content of some of the current tourism promotional material about the villages and the ethnic Tay in order to understand the myths and images which the tourist industry identifies as worth viewing. And then, it provides descriptions on daily life in the villages and the tourists visiting the villages to discuss how tourism actually occurs in the villages. By focusing on the contradictions between the images and realities, a more actual picture of the villages can be seen. In addition, this paper tries to categorize the various types of tourists with different perspectives and motives visit the villages.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.56
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• pp.9-46
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• 2018

Seongdeokdaewang-Shinjong, the 29th National Treasure, is highly valuable as a study material in various aspects including the histories of ideology, Buddhism, politics, art-craft, Chinese character study, calligraphy, epigraphy and so on of the mid-time of Shinra. Compared with the people's interest in the Shinjong, however, the studies on the words carved on it have not been yet deepened. Such studies have not been yet overcoming the phase of decoding and translation of the words. Today, it is required to analyze and study the words systematically. This article starts with such critical mind. That is why the subtitle of this article is Research on the Background of Thoughts considering that this study must be followed by its 2nd study. This study has totally reviewed the decoding and annotation works that have been done so far. Byeonryeomun (騈儷文: a writing style of Chinese character) has been also studied on its written patterns. As a result, approximately 20 problems have been found and corrected. Especially, such key phrases as '工匠?模' and '日月?暉' have been translated in a new way to spotlight the importance of translation of the carved words. The words carved on the Shinjong are highly valuable to study in the aspect of ideology history. The words fully show not only Buddhist thoughts, Confucian thoughts and Taoist thoughts but also Korea's own unique thoughts, which are all melted in the words without any obstacle to each other. In general, they are highly philosophical words. The words are unique especially in the aspect: They give a meaning to the Shinjong based on the keyword Won-Gong (圓空: circle and empty) and suggest the key point of Buddhist thoughts and governing philosophy altogether. That is, they imply that King Seongdeok's political ideology and governing principle are connected to Pungryudo (風流道), Korea's own unique philosophy. This implication is key evidence that makes it possible to trace the context of transmission of Pungryudo. You should not miss also the phrases implying that there was a big argument between reform group based on Confucian thoughts and conservative group based on Korea's own unique thoughts.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.16 no.4
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• pp.355-368
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• 2010

This study is to make a framework of newly interpretating the dynamic change of regional or local landscape rapidly occurred after the establishment of the nation state and capitalistic system. The basic concepts of making an interpretative framework are power, subjectivity, and performativity. The framework of closely interrelating the three concepts developed in the near future will be applied to the interpretation of variety of (de)centralized landscapes in regions or locals. A centralized political power under the nation state has destroyed or marginalized the historically developed landscapes, traditional culture, and subjects' values in regions or locals by the political implementation of the nation state, the establishment of national identity, a centralized economic development, and so on. The landscapes produced by the political power of the nation state can take a role as a cause of conflicts in regions or locals in terms of a historical perspective. Landscapes are being made by various subjects, and the produced landscapes also positively or negatively will influence the emotion, cognition, and behavior of the subjects particularly in a performative perspective. The dynamics interrelation between subjects and landscapes has been disguised or marginalized by reason/rationality, totality/collectivity, the separation between reason and emotion mainly made by modernism, the nation state, a capitalistic system. The interrelation between landscapes and subjects is especially emphasized on people's resistibility and creativity. Lastly, landscape is not a concept given as a priori or (re)presented objectively. It is not also a material or an object independently existed from a subject's emotion and cognition. It should be interpreted through a performative relation with subjects. Performativity will take an active role of combining the materiality of landscape, power, and subjectivity. It is also important to understand the active role of landscapes.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.145
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• pp.271-296
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• 2018

In this article, I intend to reveal critically both the intrinsic crux and main problems of the politics of hostile exclusion based on the effect of labeling which was designed precisely as an impure political technique and has been operated for too long in Korean society by the conservative ruling class that centered on various negative ideological labels like 'pro-North Korean leftist forces.' Firstly, what is called the 'conservative ruling class' in Korean society is in itself an antinationalistic and antidemocratic pro-Japanese dictatorship group. Secondly, the conservative ruling class as a pro-Japanese dictatorship group has utilized politically the labeling effect which regards antigovernment Korean members as pro-North Korean or rebellious persons. This group's hostile politics, based on the ideological labelling effect, deprives antigovernment persons and groups of the qualification of Korean citizenship, in order to hold and retain their supreme power in Korean society. Thirdly, the conservative ruling class has attempted to stigmatize the citizens who participate in a movement for democracy as a pro-North Korean leftist force, but such a politically impure manner is typically completely unjustified groundless labeling. Fourthly, the attempt to define the conservative ruling class as a pro-Japanese dictatorship force is normatively justified and resonably appraised insofar as such a definition has been proved to be worthy of confidence. Finally, the trial to consider Roh's regime and pro-Roh (pro-Moon) groups as a kind of Yeongnam hegemonism by several critical intellectuals and current politicians from Honam region is not only merely a groundless and unconvincing labelling, but also the failed outcome of the attempt to systemize logically their emotional antipathy and repulsion toward Roh and pro-Roh (pro-Moon) groups.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.12 no.5
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• pp.571-582
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• 2006

This study look into a role change and geographical inertia of the central place. The place is selected and progressed as the center which is the joining of physical condition and social situation of the region. The central place is the role change according to social change but it has geographical inertia as the central place. The result is as follows. Firstly, the role of regional center is changed. This sample region is the center of a national defense and administration and traffic in Three-Country period. But the role of the national defense is disappeared with the unity of the three countries. A traffic center facility was lost because of traffic axis changed from the east-west line to the north-south line when Ko-Ryo period. A facility loss as a traffic center leads to diminish the administration function and the movement of the regional center within that area. Secondary. the new regional center function was maintained by the joining of an outside and inside peoples. It maintained the geographical inertia by Confucianism culture instead of administration function. Thirdly, it had geographical location movement within the area.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.329-339
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• 2011

This study aims at investigating how English proficiency affects economic development of a country by analyzing the relationships among English proficiency, economic activities (amount of trade, R&D investment, etc), and the rate of economic growth, focusing on twenty-one non-English-speaking OECD countries. Ordinary Least Square (OLS) and Seemingly Unrelated Regression Estimation (SURE) were used for the data analysis in the study. The findings reveals that there existed little statistical significance to support the fact that English proficiency was directly related to the economic development in a positive way in many countries except Mexico, the Czech Republic, Finland, and Poland. However, English proficiency indirectly influenced the economic development in the way of increasing the amount of trade. These results can lead to the conclusion that English proficiency is not a sufficient element but a necessary one. Furthermore, it is expected that English proficiency can positively affect the economic development when it plays a part as sufficient complementary goods which make up for physical capital, technology accumulation, political stability, and worthy government.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.601-623
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• 2014

This paper is to analyze critically policy and discourse of creative economy and creative city. Applying the concept of 'policy transfer' or 'policy mobility', It points out that it may be inevitable for a certain policy or discourse developed in Western society to change its contents and characteristics in its international diffusing process. And then, this paper describes political contexts and process in which the policy and discourse of creative city of a former mayor of Seoul, Oh, Se-Hoon, during the late part of the 2000s, and those of creative economy of the current president, Park, Geun-Hye, have been suggested and pursued, arguing that those policies and discourses, having been distorted and lack of concrete contents, have functioned as a key ruling tool or political rhetoric. In particular, this paper concludes that the policy and discourse of creative economy of the current government would have little positive effect due to excluding intentionally policy of economic democracy and ignoring unintentionally policy of creative city, which seem to have an inherent relationship with that of creative economy.

• Fire Science and Engineering
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• v.23 no.5
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• pp.138-142
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• 2009

The system of The Volunteer Fire Brigade is the Civil autonomic one which was set up from The Chosun Dynasty and has been active. Having suffered from several dificulties from Japanese control in the Chosun Dynasty, The Volunteer Fire Brigade was established by the enactment 1958 Fire Law and we have had it up to this time. The Volunteer Fire brigade played an important role in the period of the past Fire fighting personnel and equipment which we did not have. It has carried out the assistance of the Fire extinction, the early extinction of a fire in the rural region, the extinction of the forest fire, and lots of social volunteering actions etc. but, today's Fire fighting system has made the surprising developments, such as the improvement of national economic power, the increase of knowledge about the safety of the people, the openness of The Fire Fighting Department of Korea. I will try to check out the role of The Volunteer Fire Brigade which filled up the lacking part the fire fighting in the past and make the measures which can activate in these days, looking for the new field of the movement.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.10 no.3 s.35
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• pp.307-318
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• 2005

Cyber crimes caused unpredictable damages by influencing targets with means such as hacking and virus in virtual space. In specific, they transcend time and space because of their anonymity and it is difficult to punish the people who are involved in crimes. To manage such cyber crimes, we need an international cooperative systems beyond difference in legal systems between countries and 'Global Governance' was prepared as a reasonable alternative. These days, governance has been presented as an important concept to explain changed social systems or changed roles of government. It was not just a concept to replace traditional government of a single nation, but to overcome new problems on social actions of humans. So it is expected that it can help prepare reasonable measures through cooperation both in individuals and systems, and public and civil sectors. To countermeasure cyber crimes in terms of global governance, we can prepare general investigation systems and professional human resources through civil and public assistance, and provide a base on which international cooperation systems can be established.

• 기호학연구
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• no.57
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• pp.27-57
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• 2018

This paper aims at (re)investigating the interrelationship between Communism and language in terms of historical experiences of Soviet Union in $20^{th}$ century. Critically reviewing Boris Groy's famous thesis about Soviet communism as the "kingdom of language", in which Soviet system is regarded as the result of "linguistic turn, executed in the dimension of social practice", i.e., as a state of "total linguistification of society", I will examine it in comparison with another very interesting view on the language system of communism(socialism): Alexie Yurchak's controversial thesis on "performative shift" in late socialism. Yurchak's unique view on Soviet socialism as a specific discourse system, thoroughly illuminating peculiar paradox of Soviet discourse system in the period of late socialism, in which performative repetition of authoritative ideological discourses does not prohibit, but rather enable the possibility of creative deviation from or unexpected reappropriation of them, could provide us with profound insights on the problematics around the collapse (the end) of "linguistic imperial" of Soviet Union.