• Title/Summary/Keyword: 토지수용권

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An Analysis on the Actual Condition of Land Expropriation System of Local Governments and Its Improvement Plan (지방자치단체 토지수용제도 실태분석과 개선방안)

  • Kim, Hyeong-Geun;Kim, Boo-Sung;Lim, Dong-Jin;Kim, Dong-Hyun
    • The Journal of the Korea institute of electronic communication sciences
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    • v.6 no.6
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    • pp.929-937
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    • 2011
  • This thesis is intended for addressing issues of the local expropriation committee system by drawing the policy suggestion through theoretical considerations on the land expropriation system of the UK and of the US, and for finding a plan to improve the system by focusing on the examples of land expropriation of local governments. The US' Takings utilize a public hearing and the jury system. When property is expropriated through eminent domain, stakeholders and citizens share the necessity of the expropriation and its awareness through a public hearing, and project institutes (administrative organizations) file a lawsuit to a law court to exercise takings. In the case of Compulsory Purchase in the UK, the system should be based on laws established by the Parliament, and the resolution to use CPO is also decided by district councils. So the system is able to prevent power abuse. As a plan to improve the land expropriation committee of local governments, it is necessary ${\triangle}$ to enhance the professionality of the local land expropriation committee, ${\triangle}$ to expropriate lands by the analysis of land type, and ${\triangle}$ to come up with alternative measures to prevent the rights of the expropriated.

How to extract value from poverty? : an institutional ethnographic critique on the Community Redevelopment Agency of the City of Los Angeles (빈곤으로부터 가치 짜내는 방법 -로스앤젤레스 도시재개발국에 대한 제도민족지적 비판-)

  • Park, Kyong-Hwan
    • Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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    • v.12 no.2
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    • pp.305-322
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    • 2006
  • An increasing number of cities employ rescaling strategies that not only construct metropolitan production network scaled down from national context, but also tune up new governance to effectively control local geographies of the city. In this context, urban redevelopment has emerged a key 'global' strategy to empower governmental institutions of the city, which not only eliminate such threatening spatial variables as deteriorated housing, working-class ghettos, and crime areas, but also increase and extract exchange value of those spaces. I view such practices a process of 'glurbanization'. This paper investigates how state/city government employs the discourse of urban re/development for 'inventing' poverty at an urban scale: how it institutionalizes the discourse for implementing concrete projects: and how urban institutional apparatus appropriate their discursive practices of redevelopment for their own ends in the city. By particularly focusing on the California Redevelopment Law and the Community Redevelopment Agency of the City of Los Angeles, this paper analyzes the ways in which the law and the agency extract value from what they define 'blight areas' by means of eminent domain and tax increment revenues. For empirical analysis I employ discourse analysis and institutional ethnography. I conclusively argue that the urban spaces stigmatized as 'blight areas' are increasingly entrapped by the urban redevelopment agency, which extracts increased exchange value from the areas and redirects it for supporting external investors, private developers, and the body of the agency itself.

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Relevance between Subway Commuting Travel Time and Spatial Extent of the Catchment Areas (지하철 통근통행시간이 역세권의 공간범위에 미치는 영향분석)

  • Lee, Seungil;Jang, Se Jin
    • KSCE Journal of Civil and Environmental Engineering Research
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    • v.28 no.1D
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    • pp.119-127
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    • 2008
  • Nowaday, the local governments eager to change their transport system aiming for public transport oriented one. However, it is more important to change the land use system in the catchment areas of public transport in order to enhance its usage sustainably for the long run. This research aims to seek maximal spatial extent of the catchment areas of the Seoul Metropolitan Subway in consideration of its urban spatial structure in order to accommodate the potential users living around the subway stations. For this task the empirical data of the household travel survey for the Seoul Metropolitan Area conducted 2002 were analysed. It was founded that the walking access times to the subway stations, which can represent their spatial extents, are related to their travel times, but differently according to their given positions in the urban spatial structure. The characteristics of subway commuters also affect them with the conditions. It is to be expected that the results of this research can contribute to an enhancement of its usage by applying to land-use policies of the catchment areas.

Location Analysis for Public Sector's Development of Mixed-Use Complex (입체복합개발을 위한 공공 입지여건 분석)

  • Yoon, Jeong-Joong;Lee, Duk-Bok
    • Land and Housing Review
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    • v.3 no.2
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    • pp.117-126
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    • 2012
  • The purpose of this paper is to analysis spatial locations for public sector's development of mixed-use complex. The results of analysis of location characteristics and public sector's participation conditions are as follows. The central commercial district of new town, surroundings of new railway station, and old town center are likely to be appropriate in the case of a functional mixed-use considering acceptable use in accord with mixed-use complex. Development potential is also high at places such as railway adjacent area in old town and relocation of downtown improper facilities including previous three cases. And development of various size such as lot, block and district can be applied at central commercial district of new town, center and subcenter of old town, surroundings of new railway station. The result of analysis of public sector's participation conditions is appropriate in central commercial district of new town by public sector, relocation of downtown improper facilities and old site of transferring public facilities. They can be contribute to grow up new town by public-private partnership and to improve urban circumstances and publicness by development old site coupled with new site of transferring public facilities.

Habitat Selection and Management of the Leopard Cat(Prionailurus bengalensis) in a Rural Area of Korea (농촌지역 삵(Prionailurus bengalensis)의 서식지 선택과 관리방안)

  • Choi, Tae-Young;Kwon, Hyuk-Soo;Woo, Dong-Gul;Park, Chong-Hwa
    • Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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    • v.26 no.3
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    • pp.322-332
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    • 2012
  • The objectives of this paper were to investigate home range, habitat selection, and threat factors of leopard cats (Prionailurus bengalensis) living in rural area of Korea. The results based on radio tracking of three leopard cats (two males and one female) can be summarized as follows. First, the average home range of leopard cats were $2.64{\pm}1.99km^2$ (Kernel 95) and $3.69{\pm}1.34km^2$ (MCP 100), and the average size of core areas was $0.64{\pm}0.47km^2$ (Kernel 50). The home range of a male leopard cat that radio-tracked in winter was the largest ($5.19km^2$, MCP 100). Second, the Johnson's habitat selection model based on the Jacobs index showed that leopard cats preferred meadows and paddy fields avoiding forest covers at the second level, whereas they preferred meadows adjacent to streams and avoided paddy fields at the third level. Finally, roadkill could be prime threat factor for the cat population. Therefore, habitats dominated by paddy fields, stream corridors with paved roads, and human settlements with insufficient forest patches could threaten the long-term viability of leopard cat populations. Thus the habitat managements for the leopard cat conservation should focus on the prevention of road-kill and the installation of wildlife passages in rural highways adjacent to stream corridors.

A Study on Strategy of Forest Rehabilitation Support Corresponding to the Spread of Marketization in North Korea (북한의 시장화 확산에 대응한 대북 산림복구 지원전략 연구)

  • Song, Minkyung;Yi, Jong-Min;Park, Kyung-Seok
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.106 no.4
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    • pp.487-496
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    • 2017
  • The marketization in North Korea is spreading rapidly. This study proposes forest rehabilitation strategy for North Korea in light of their major shift toward market economy. This current trend of marketization in North Korea is now affecting the forest sector, especially the way the residents utilize small forest land. For analyzing the influence of marketization on forest management in North Korea, we reviewed the official documents issued by North Korea and related materials of North Korean marketization. The government of Kim Jong Eun has set up policies and systems regarding the spread of marketization, such as guaranteeing individuals a right to dispose certain products on their own and establishing a special economic zone to attract foreign investments. In the forestry sector, the North Korean government has been trying to fully implement its forest restoration plan by carrying out measures like re-claiming of sloping lands that had been previously used by residents. However, as marketization progresses, it is expected that there lies much difficulty in government-led massive mobilization for forest restoration due to the increase of illegal logging to meet high demand for timber, illegal firewood harvesting, collecting non-timber products for livelihoods and illegal crop cultivation to sell in the market. Therefore, South Korea's support for forest restoration should also consider the recent marketization phenomenon in North Korea. It is necessary to formulate strategic measures such as conducting joint commercialization project on agroforestry management using cooperative farming unit, helping to improve income source from small forest lands, and to activate a comprehensive mountain village special economic zone by utilizing forest business. We do hope that our proposed forest rehabilitation strategy in this paper regarding the changes in North Korea's marketization and forest policy can give a meaningful suggestion on supporting forest restoration in North Korea in an effective way.

A Study on Trusteeship Reports of Dong-a Ilbo (동아일보의 신탁통치 왜곡보도 연구)

  • Kim, Dong-Min
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.52
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    • pp.135-153
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    • 2010
  • Dong-a Ilbo tried to assume leadership of opinion in preceding the movement against the trusteeship as a mouthpiece for the Han-Min Party. Dong-a Ilbo was to try to promote the atmosphere of anti-trusteeship=anti-communism=anti-Soviet Union, distorting the decision of a conference of three foreign affairs ministers in Moscow. It was not an incorrect report, but the false report. As a result, the formula of an anti-trusteeship=anti-Soviet Union=anti-communism=patriotism, and a pro-trusteeship=pro-Soviet Union=pro-Communism=traitor was formed. And the important problems of land reform and pro-Japanese‘ clearance were missing. Historically, political newspapers had appeared in the periods of very important political change. Political newspapers played a role as mouthpiece for political party or group. Dong-a Ilbo was such a political newspaper. It was that Dong-a Ilbo tried to change the social atmosphere in preceding the movement against the trusteeship as a mouthpiece for the Han-Min Party. And history was distorted.

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The Political-Economic of Capitalism and its Effects on Spatial Dynamics (도시공간의 변화에 내재한 정치${\cdot}$경제적 논리의 규명-서울시 도심재개발을 대상으로-)

  • Park, Sun-Mee
    • Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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    • v.28 no.3
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    • pp.213-226
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    • 1993
  • In Korea, the urban studies of geography have mainly dealt with such a series of research as system of urban place and internal structure of urban area. The existing studies have been carried out with ecological approach. Ecologists, now a days, regard organiation and transfor-mation of the urban space as the process of invasion, succession, and segregation. However it is more proper that cities should be considered not as fragmantary objects, as some ecologists insist, but as synthetic ones in social structure. This research, with adopting a case of the renewasl of central area in Seoul, tried to make it clear that the formation and transition of the city is a product of social structure and examined polical and economic logic which exists in variation of urban space in detail. The results of this study are as follows; Urban renewal of central area is closely related with production and reproduction in capitalist society. In urban center, as business activities had increased since 1973 due to decen-tralization of production process, the necessity of reorganizing the land use in existing central area accordingly increased. The urban renewal program of central area in Seoul was inrroduced under such situation. The urban renewal of central area reflecting the capital logic has changed the central area with six hundred year's tradition. From the urban renewal of central area, not only was the central area, which traditionally had been mixed with various fun-ctions, simplified into the unitary area of busi-ness, but also physical landscape changed. As the land lot in renewal area expanded into regular shape, buildings became larger and taller. The program tremendously raised the price of related area. Aiming at these profits caused by the raised price, a great number of capitalists participated in the program. And as the benefit ratio of the manufacture sector continuously dropped with the economic recession, the pro-gram was carried out much more vigorously. That was because the idle capital accumulated during the recession was invested in property sector and was self-proliferated. The urban renewal raised the land value of central area and drove out the people living in this area. The people moved into the whole parts of the city resulting diffused squatter settlements. And the urban changes in central area were results of the policy of municipal authorities, who supported and systematized the changes lawfully and administratively, as well as reali-zation of capital logic. Due to the renewal policies of central area in Seoul, much more renewals by the only capitalists were carried out than those by the people themselves living in that area. The integration of land ownership in the law of urban renewal shows the reason of that. Moreover, the law allows the third deve-loper to participate in the tasks and admits the land expropriation rights. The municipal autho-rities guaranteed the profitability of the tasks through finacial aid, tax benifit, and relaxation of regulations for construction. As examined above, the changes in the land use of urban space have been led not by the ecological process of development of the city itself, but by the restructuring of capitalism and the intervention of the government authorities.

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A standardized procedure on building spectral library for hazardous chemicals mixed in river flow using hyperspectral image (초분광 영상을 활용한 하천수 혼합 유해화학물질 표준 분광라이브러리 구축 방안)

  • Gwon, Yeonghwa;Kim, Dongsu;You, Hojun
    • Journal of Korea Water Resources Association
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    • v.53 no.10
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    • pp.845-859
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    • 2020
  • Climate change and recent heat waves have drawn public attention toward other environmental issues, such as water pollution in the form of algal blooms, chemical leaks, and oil spills. Water pollution by the leakage of chemicals may severely affect human health as well as contaminate the air, water, and soil and cause discoloration or death of crops that come in contact with these chemicals. Chemicals that may spill into water streams are often colorless and water-soluble, which makes it difficult to determine whether the water is polluted using the naked eye. When a chemical spill occurs, it is usually detected through a simple contact detection device by installing sensors at locations where leakage is likely to occur. The drawback with the approach using contact detection sensors is that it relies heavily on the skill of field workers. Moreover, these sensors are installed at a limited number of locations, so spill detection is not possible in areas where they are not installed. Recently hyperspectral images have been used to identify land cover and vegetation and to determine water quality by analyzing the inherent spectral characteristics of these materials. While hyperspectral sensors can potentially be used to detect chemical substances, there is currently a lack of research on the detection of chemicals in water streams using hyperspectral sensors. Therefore, this study utilized remote sensing techniques and the latest sensor technology to overcome the limitations of contact detection technology in detecting the leakage of hazardous chemical into aquatic systems. In this study, we aimed to determine whether 18 types of hazardous chemicals could be individually classified using hyperspectral image. To this end, we obtained hyperspectral images of each chemical to establish a spectral library. We expect that future studies will expand the spectral library database for hazardous chemicals and that verification of its application in water streams will be conducted so that it can be applied to real-time monitoring to facilitate rapid detection and response when a chemical spill has occurred.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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