• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.1-28
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• 2018

This paper studies and evaluates the present situation of three decades of 'Minjoonojoundong' in Korea with a long-term perspectives. It had grown up during 1987 labour regime era and has declined abruptly since 1998. The backdrop of this decline was the transformation of labour regime from the 1987 regime to the dependent neoliberal one. The Korean labour movement did not respond to the changed structural conditions as it sustained its old strategies, militant unionism. Now the 'Minjoonojoundong' in Korea has met three difficult problems that are connected with each others. They are militant economism, political economism and formal industrial unionism. However the 'Candlelight Revolution' occurred in 2016 winter has opened a chance of regime change that could strengthen the 'Minjoonojoundong'. The revolution was primarily a political one. But it also created a dramatic situation change in labour politics. The candle-citizen demanded radical change of the polarized Korean society and overflown contingent workers. So it is a time of radical and overall innovation for the 'Minjoonojoundong' and KCTU. And they have to keep the long-term strategical vision of labour regime change.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.221-254
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• 2020

This paper finds a solution in the social context which cannot be explained thoroughly by well-timed release date, revival of comedy films, and the attraction of Lee Byeong-heon's comedy etc. while it throws question of how the film, Extreme Job captivated 16 million audience. The incredible hits of Extreme Job cannot be explained by analyzing the text alone. After this essay investigates a function and a role of comedy as a public sphere, it examines people's desires and wishes in the comedy and other genres since 2008 when the conservative government has seized power. Since 2008 a series of dark tone's action thriller, social problem film, and disaster film have emerged, these genres showed absence of public security, crisis of democracy and criticism against rulling class. On the other hand, hit comedy films have showed escapism such as weepie, nostalgia, and fantasy at the same time, generally. Although Veteran (2015) is not full-blown comedy, after this film's big success, "comic mode" has gradually revived. A light tone's films which are truer to genre rules has started representing the wishes of people toward social reforms and changes. Meanwhile, "Candlelight Protest" served as a momentum to recover the democracy which has been in crisis, but it could not lead changes in economic and daily lives. Exreme Job can be read as a question how we will survive since "Candlight Protest." The lives of detectives as self-employed workers who has taken over a fried chicken restaurant for going undercover are appearances of ordinary persons who must survive in the edless conpetition. Furthermore, this film shows a dream of a "great success myth" which becomes well-known as a famous restaurant and a self-management such as brand-naming and an exapansion of franchise business. We can read ganster's chicken franchises as a huge distribution industry which disturbs market system by delivering drugs secretly. While applauses that we give to the police having identities of self-employed workers which sweeps the ganster are giving support to oridinary neighborhood like us, they are also wishes of people who long for the restoration of publicness of police in the market which is becoming increasingly privatized today. A significance of this essay is to examine Extreme Job in terms of the geography of film genres and the revival of comic mode sicne 2008 at the macro level, and is to read the film in the perspective of the problems of economic and daily lives which has been still unsolved since "Candlelight Protest" at the micro level.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.5-36
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• 2017

"The Candle Revolution" impeached the Park government and elected the Moon government. The candlelight protesters demonstrated public anger associated with accumulated corruption and deep-rooted irregularities. Complete political reform is required to perform deep fundamental reform. It aims to transform democracy in a way that is more inclusive. Inclusive democracy contributes to making welfare state stronger. Inclusive democracy is made possible by proportional representation that allows progressive parties more seats and leverages. Proportional representation systems are characterized by higher degrees of redistribution and larger welfare state. Constitutional reform has to be focused on introducing parliamentary government. "Imperialistic" presidential system in Korea has no mechanism of checks and balances which are key characteristics of presidential systems. It has failed to attend the poverty and social inequality arising from globalization and neoliberal change since 2000s. Parliamentary government is supposed to deliver social policy when parties are more disciplined than in presidential system where political parties remain weak.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.179-209
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• 2018

Three dacades of time have passed since the Korean labour movement experimented its political empowerment struggle. Generally it has failed for all some positive results. But unfortunately there were no critical and intellectual reflections regarding the failure within the labour movement. This study drew three conclusions. Firstly, the success or failure of political experiments was caused mainly by the labour regime changes of the Korean society. Secondly, the motive power was provided not by the progressive party, the Democratic Labour Party, but by the trade union movement and organization, the Minjoonochong. Lastly, the Candle-Light revolution in 2016 has produced some new conditions for the second stage of political empowerment praxis in Korean labour movement.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.1-28
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• 2018

Now labour policy of Moon Jae-in Administration is very different from the labour reform politics of the past ages in its structural conditions. Especially the difference is in the fact that the new labour policy is originated from the Candlelight Revolution in 2016 which has resisted to the 20years-long neoliberal domination. This kind of change in the political situation made a optimistic prediction with regard to the possibility of successful labour reform. However the future is in many points so uncertain that we could not confirm the success of labour reform at all. The uncertainty always resides in the structural unbalance between labour movement power and capitalist state power bloc in Korea. In this sense strategical orientation and practices of the democratic labour movement(KCTU) are very critical to produce some positive outcomes.

• 사회경제평론
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• v.31 no.3
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• pp.55-92
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• 2018

Moon Jae-In government, which took power through the candlelight revolution, has put forward a "People First Economy". To realize this goal, the government promised to increase the growth rate of fiscal spending and the proportion of welfare spending compared to the conservative government in the past. This direction is desirable, but it does not meet the expectations of the progressive camp, which has hoped larger-scale welfare through active increased taxation. Above all, it would be hard to overcome the structural risks facing our economy through this policy. More bold fiscal policy is needed. For the time being, it is desirable to push for taxing on top-income households, corporations, and high-value assets, and to make sure that the tax levied on rental income is well established. If these tasks are well realized, it is necessary to move toward the next stage of welfare expansion and increased taxation.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• no.119
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• pp.1-33
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• 2017

This article explore the relation between meritocracy and democracy in the context of South-Korea's confucian modernity. It starts with the confirmation that South-Korea's confucian-meritocratic tradition has positive influence on democracy, in similar way as in the western countries where meritocracy was as a basis for democracy evaluated. But meritocracy has not always the positive implication for democracy. This article shows that meritocracy is in its essence 'an ideology of the betrayal' which destroy the basis of democracy through producing and justifying extreme socio-economic inequalities between citizens. But the long confucian-meritocratic tradition of East Asia makes meritocracy ideology attractive for the people, so even the temptation of the 'political meritocracy' is strong, as we see in Singapore and China. This article argues that the political meritocracy cannot be the alternative of democracy, seeks the different way to overcome the crisis of democracy than meritocracy indicate. Finally, it discusses shortly which implications this sort of relation between meritocracy and democracy for the future of South-Korean democracy can have.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.5-40
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• 2018

The history of decentralization and autonomy is the result of the struggle for democracy against the authoritarian central government. Before the imminent law amendment, there are many tasks for decentralization and citizen autonomy. Therefore, decentralization and autonomy are not given on their own but they must be taken from authoritarian and centralist power group which possesses exclusive interests. The decentralization and autonomy now enters into the stage of development. In 1960, the April 19 Revolution opened the era of democratic local autonomy and it was abolished by the military coup of May 16, Now, the era of the reform of the decentralization are coming. Decentralization and autonomy will evolve from the stage of quantitative expansion to the stage of qualitative leap. This paper proposes that the revision of decentralization be the strategic maximum, and that the independence of the local government personnel rights be the tactical minimum. This paper insists that the independence of personnel right in the local government can be a link with law amendment for decentralization. Local autonomy and decentralization are the main subjects of the amendment. Above all, clarifying this is the subject and method of this study, and the scope of the study.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.123-161
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• 2019

The popularity of melodrama indicates that melodrama is composed in a historical context. This is the reason why it is necessary to analyze the imagination of melodrama within a sociocultural context rather than asking the essentialistic question of "What is melodrama?". (2016) and (2018) caused sensations while holding unchallenged top positions in terms of viewing rate and popularity. These dramas indicate the popular imagination and desire of Korean society in the 2010s during a period of upheaval. This paper analyzed imagination in melodrama with a focus on nation and emotions of individuals in and . In preexisting dramas, conflicts are often limited to individuals and families; on the contrary, in and , a nation appears as a motif that forms conflicts between individuals. In these intense situations of conflict, people make rational judgments at first; however, they soon dispose of such judgments and reveal value-oriented attitudes through emotions, which drive actions. Both dramas form poésie mainly through poetic rhyming and the mise-en-scène of objects. The dramas also amplify emotions. The main emotions of these dramas are sympathy and sadness. Such emotions are not consumed in itself; instead, they show moral aims through performativity. Consequently, sympathy becomes solidarity, and sadness becomes mourning. Unlike preexisting melodramas whose endings were simply pursuits of love and happiness within the realm of individuals, and demonstrate a moral imagination that simultaneously reminds us of the individual and community through solidarity and mourning.