• Pediatric Gastroenterology, Hepatology & Nutrition
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.193-199
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• 2006

Purpose: The proper diagnosis of Meckel's diverticulum (MD) is difficult and delayed because of the variety of clinical manifestations. We reviewed clinical characteristics of symptomatic MD to facilitate early detection. Methods: We analyzed retrospectively the clinical manifestations, diagnostic tools, histopathological findings, and operative findings in 58 patients with symptomatic MD. Results: The male to female ratio was 2.8 : 1. The most common symptom of MD was bleeding. Others symptoms included: vomiting, abdominal pain, irritability, abdominal distension and fever in the order of frequency. The clinical manifestations of symptomatic MD were lower gastrointestinal bleeding, intestinal obstruction, perforation, diverticulitis and hemoperitoneum, in the order of frequency. The causes of intestinal obstruction were intussusception, internal hernia, band, volvulus, invagination, in the order of frequency. Seventy five percent of patient with MD were diagnosed prior to 5 years of age. The most frequently used diagnostic tool was the Meckel's scan. The diverticulum was located 2 cm to 120 cm proximal to the ileocecal valve. The length of the diverticulum ranged from 1 cm to 10 cm and 94% were less than 5 cm. The most common ectopic tissue found in the MD was gastric mucosa. Ileal resection was more frequently performed than diverticulectomy. Conclusion: In cases of unexplained gastrointestinal bleeding, obstruction and repeated intussusception, the meckel's scan, ultrasound and computed tomography shoud be considered to rule out MD, and if clinically necessary, an exploratory laparotomy when needed.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.18 no.3
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• pp.311-321
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• 2008

In order to improve the insufficient protein content of Jeung-Pyun with respect to sitology, as well as its fermentation process, this study prepared Jeung-Pyun doughs containing 0, 5, 10, 15, and 20 g of milk, respectively, and examined their mechanical and functional characteristics. The internal structure of the Jeung-Pyun was observed by SEM. With regard to color, the L-value increased with increasing amounts of added milk, and the highest value (65.43) occurred in the group containing 20 g of added milk; however, there were no significant differences among groups. The group containing 20 g of added milk also presented the highest a-value, and the samples with added milk had higher b-values than the control. At 8 hours of fermentation, the 10 g- and 15 g-added milk groups had viscosities of 5726.67 and 6600 respectively; viscosity increased with increasing amounts of milk, and the added-milk groups had significantly higher values than the control group. Hardness also increased with increasing amounts of added milk. However, there were no significant differences in resilience and cohesive power among the groups. The groups containing 5 and 10 g of added milk had the lowest cohesion and break values. For appearance, the group without added milk had the whitest color. Pore size decreased and showed less uniformity as the amount of added milk increased. The unique tackju aroma of Jeung-Pyun decreased significantly as the level of added milk increased, and the 20 g addition presented the lowest value. The 10 g-added milk group had the highest level of sweetness, and sourness increased with increasing amounts of added milk. For softness, the control group was estimated as slightly softer than the added-milk groups. The stickiest sample was generally preferred when considering taste, white color, and sweetness. Among the quality characteristics, having greater stickiness, resilience, moisture, and softness was better in terms of chewing. Overall, the size of the Jeung-Pyun containing 10 g of milk was even and well-developed.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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• v.41 no.10
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• pp.1467-1474
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• 2012

The purpose of study was to introduce menus consisting of traditional local foods consumed in Busan, Korea. Five different types of formal meal menus with three side dishes and five different types of informal meal menus of which the main dish was not cooked rice were developed. Scores for the menu evaluations of formal and informal meals were higher than 7.9 (mean score of 6 category) on a 9.0 scale, suggesting that the menus were well constituted in terms of 'repeated use of ingredients and cooking methods', 'balance between main and side dishes', 'frequency of usage of local products', 'nutritional balance', 'variety of dishes', and 'popularization'. Nutritional values of menus were compared with those of the KDRI for men aged 30~49 years old. All ten menus reflected a low calorie, high protein, and high fiber diet. Mineral contents (Ca, Fe, Zn, K, and Na) of the above 10 menus were higher than those of the KDRI. On the other hand, vitamin contents slightly differed according to meal type due to limited fresh vegetable usage in the winter season. Vitamin A, B ($B_1$, $B_2$, niacin, $B_6$), C, folic acid, and E contents in the five informal menus were found to be proper or greater than those of the KDRI. However, for the formal meal menus, all vitamin contents except that of vitamin A in menu type I was lower than that of the KDRI. Content of vitamin C in menu type V was approximately 50% of that of the KDRI. The most preferred formal menu was consisted of Ogokbap, Boreumjijimi, Dongchimi, Namul (nine varieties), Gaksaeksanjeok (Shark/Daegu/Gunso), and Gimgui. And that for informal menu was consisted of Honghapjuk, Baechu kimchi, Dongchimi, Miyeokseolchi, Kodari jorim, and Neulgeun hobakjeon. Suggestions for providing more fresh vegetables or fruits for certain types of meals (formal meal type V) were offered. Additionally, pre-preparation of sea products were required to reduce Na contents.

• Korean Journal of Ecology and Environment
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• v.37 no.3 s.108
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• pp.332-343
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• 2004

This study was conducted to test a possibility of water quality improvement using a filter-feeding bivalve (Corbicula leana). In mesocosm scale (width ${\times}$ length ${\times}$ depth: 3 m ${\times}$ 3 m ${\times}$ 0.5 m), we investigated the changes of dissolved nutrient and particulate matter including both abiotic and biotic seston. Short term (16 days) mesocosm experiment was conducted in two stages: the first stage for 8 days and consecutive 8 days of the second stage. Both treatment and control mesocosm were switched over by translocating mussels from the treatment mesocosm to the control, at 8th days since the start of the experiment. This design made it possible to compare mussel effect on the water quality change more clearly. The high mortality of mussel was observed in the treatment of the first stage, but it decreased rapidly and stabilized on the 8th day to less than< 4 ind $day^{-1}$. Chl. a concentration in the treatment mesocosm of the first and second stage decreased to 71 and 88% of initial concentration, respectively, and suspended solids decreased to 70 and 77%. At those times, average filtering rate were 0.46 and 0.61 mL AFDW $mg^{-1}$ $hr^{-1}$, respectively. Both $NH_3-N$ and dissolved total phosphorus (DTP) concentrations increased with the mussel mortality. $NH_3-N$ concentration was positively correlated with the mussel mortality, while DTP concentration showed negative correlation with it. After translocating mussel from the treatment to the control, $NH_3-N$ concentration significantly increased compared with that of initial control. Although DTP concentration also increased, there was no significant difference relative to that of initial control. These results suggest that application of this filter-feeding bivalve in a eutrophic reservoir could be a potential tool to improve water quality if mussels could acclimatize successfully in early stage of the introduction.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.35
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• pp.153-193
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• 2017

This study explores the creation and enjoyment of Kuwoonmong (九雲夢) using a reference system called the cultural imagination, which is related to the Yin-Yang (陰陽) and Wu Xing (五行). When Kim Manjung wrote Guwoonmong, he may have composed figures and events based on this imagination. In particular, when he designed the eight seonnyeo (팔선녀), he set the order such as Gap (甲), Eul (乙), Byeong (병), Jeong (丁), etc. and characterized them according to the celestial stem (天干). Thus it was easy to avoid overlapping of characters and to construct various stories and relationships between them. The table below shows the characters of Kuwoonmong corresponding to the celestial stem. In not only the individual person but also the narrative world, Kuwoonmon demonstrates Yin-Yang and Wu Xing's imagination. In this respect, Kuwoonmon can be considered a large symbol encompassing the abstract theory of Yin-Yang and Wu Xing. Of course, the writer, Kim, Manjung would not have tried to symbolize the principle intentionally. However, he was also present in the environment of the cultural imagination that has been formed over the years. The same is true for the contemporary recipients of Guwunmong. They would have had a pleasant experience applying the cultural imagination and strengthening their familiar world view and human view.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.152-171
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• 2009

The Dancheong(丹靑) of the main building of Mihwangsa Buddhist Temple(美黃寺) in Haenam(海南) is the leading work of the Jeolla Dancheong style, which was created in the 18th century and has been passed down to the early modern days, and boasts its excellence and originality. On the outside, one can only see the traces of the Dancheong due to the colors that fell off and deteriorated severely. On the inside, however, the general Dancheong pattern is accompanied by the painting of 1,000 Buddhas(千佛圖), which is hardly found in other Buddhist temples, and the Arahan painting, which is truly magnificent in technique and can pass as an independent painting. The Dancheong also has unique methodological characteristics that can't be found in other Dancheong works such as the painting and attaching technique. The Dancheong inside is estimated to have been created in 1754 considering the records of "Dalmasan Mihwangsasa Daebeopdang Jungsusangryangmun(達摩山美黃寺大法堂重修上樑文)", the calligraphical writings of "Mudeungsanindanhwakya(無等山人丹?也)"and "Geonryungshipgu(乾隆十九)" left in the Jungryang, and the style characteristics reflected in the Dancheong patterns and the painting of 1,000 Buddhas. The fact that there are no traces of re-Dancheong also supports the estimation that the Dancheong was created in the absolute age of 1754. The absolute age will be the reference of deciding the chronological years of Dancheong patterns and be helpful in examining the characteristics and changes by the periods. There were certain style characteristics in Dancheong by the periods and regions. The Dancheong of Jeolla region also had its own style, which includes the tendency of finishing with two- or three-fold green belts without giving meokdanggi to the meoricho and the huge jar decoration of huigol. Treating the baetbadak of all materials, whether it's Geumdancheong or morodancheong, with lines of certain thickness and colors is another style of Jeolla Dancheong from the 18th to the 20th century. The Dancheong of the Geukrakbojeon(極樂寶殿) of Cheoneunsa Buddhist Temple and Daewoongbojeon(大雄寶殿) of Naesosa Buddhist Temple in Jeolla is especially noteworthy in that it bears similar patterns and techniques to that of the main building of Mihwangsa Buddhist Temple in addition to the characteristics mentioned above. The Dancheong of Mihwangsa Buddhist Temple must have exerted so great influences on that of the two temples that it's called "the style of Mihwangsa Buddhist Temple."When adopting a broader point of view, it can be classified as one of the Dancheong styles of Jeolla. The common icons and techniques found in the Dancheong of Mihwangsa, Cheoneunsa, and Naesosa Buddhist Temple provide some clues about the influential relationships among painters of the days. They may have been created by the painters of the same school or the painters affected by those who created the Dancheong of Mihwangsa Buddhist Temple.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.215-240
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• 2018

In this paper, the contents about funeral rites in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial"(儀禮) were compared to those in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought. The most direct and systematic document related to funeral rites is "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial". Some of its contents had been reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought, such as "Zuo Zhuan", "Mozi" and "Xunzi", while others didn't agree with one another. It happened because some contents had been already reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought in the process of establishing scriptures about manners including the ancient "Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial", and because, on the contrary, the contents of the books of Hundred Schools of Thought had become included in the scriptures about manners by following Confucianism. First, the basic contents of Chapter 'Mourning Clothes' in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" were generally reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought, and there are many contents in common. Most prominently, three-year-mourning for parents and a king had been enhanced in Confucianism commonly. Although Mohism opposed Confucian luxurious and long funerals (厚葬久喪), the mourning clothing system in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" can be said to have been people's universal understanding until the Spring and Autumn period at least. In addition, it has been verified that there were differences in the mourning clothes depending on the one who wore them was an adult or not both in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" and the books of Hundred Schools of Thought. On the other hand, many arguments in the contents about funeral rites reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought were different from the rules in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial". In particular, the mourning clothes for parents reflected in the books of Hundred Schools of Thought showed that there were differences depending on social positions, which was dissimilar to the regulations in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial". Also, different from the mourning clothes system for parents and a king, the system for a wife and a concubine was dissimilar to the rules in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" in many ways. Since the regulations of Chapter of 'Mourning Clothes' in the present version of "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial" suggest different mourning clothes and periods depending on who wears the mourning clothes and what social position the deceased had, it seems difficult to implement them strictly historically as well as at those times. Especially, while the funeral rituals for a child was relatively clear based on the parent-child relationship of "affection" and those for a king and parents were plainly regulated and emphasized, the rules of those for a vassal and a wife were absent or ambiguous in many cases. Therefore, the term of "the Theee Bonds"(三綱) appeared first in Dong Zhongshu(董仲舒)'s "Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals"(春秋繁露) that reflected the ideology of political ethics of Han Dynasty(漢代), but regarding its contents, it can be said to have been already reflected in "the Book of Etiquette and Ceremonial".

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.52-69
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• 2021

The transcriptions of Buddhist sutra in the Goryeo Dynasty are more elaborate and splendid than those of any other period and occupy a very important position in Korean bibliography. Among them, the transcriptions made on indigo paper show decorative features that represent the dignity and quality that nobles would have preferred. Particularly, during the Goryeo Dynasty, a large number of transcriptions were made on indigo paper, often in hand-scrolled and folded forms. If flexibility was not guaranteed, the hand-scrolled form caused inconvenience and damage when handling the transcription because of the structural limitations of the material that is rolled up and opened. It was possible to overcome these shortcomings by changing from the hand-scrolled to the folded form to obtain convenience and structural stability. The folded form of the transcription utilizes the same principle as the folding screen, so it is a structure that can be folded and unfolded, and it is made by connecting parts at regularly spaced intervals. No matter how small the transcription is, if it is made of thin paper, it is difficult to handle it and to maintain its shape and structure. For this reason, the folded transcription was usually made of thick paper to support the structure, and the cover was made thicker than the inner part to protect the contents. In other words, the forded form was generally manufactured to suit the characteristics of maintaining strength by making the paper thick. Because a large amount of indigo paper was needed to make this type of transcription, it is assumed that there were craftsmen who were in charge only of dark dyeing the papers. Usually, paper dyeing requires much more dye than silk dyeing, and dyeing dozens of times would be required to obtain the deep indigo color of the base of the transcription of Buddhist sutra in the Goryeo Dynasty. Unfortunately, there is no record of the Goryeo Dynasty's indigo blue paper manufacturing technique, and the craftsmen who made indigo paper no longer remain, so no one knows the exact method of making indigo paper. Recently, Hanji artisans, natural dyers, and conservators attempted to restore the Goryeo Dynasty's indigo paper, but the texture and deep colors found in the relics could not be reproduced. This study introduces the process of restoring indigo paper in the Goryeo Dynasty through collaboration between dyeing artisans, Hanji artisans, and conservators for conservation of the transcription of Buddhist sutra in the late Goryeo dynasty, yielding a suggested method of making indigo paper.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.2
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• pp.186-205
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• 2013

${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ in the Kansong Art Museum is an album of poems and pictures of apricot tree, orchids and bamboos drawn by Lee Jeong. Given that the poems and pictures in the album were drawn by Lee Jeong who has been recognized as a person who established the standards of ink bamboo drawings in the Joseon Dynasty, the album is highly valuable. Nevertheless, there are more values and meanings that Three Purities Album has. The production circumstances and transmission processes of Three Purities Album include the historical characteristics and meanings of the time so that it is also worthwhile as a historical material. During the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, Lee Jeong was stabbed with a sword by Japanese invaders and got injured. After he suffered, he tried to make his masterpiece in his lifework and finally created Three Purities Album. For the work, Lee Jeong received memorial writings from Choi Rip, Cha Cheon-ro and Han Ho, and asked them writings. They were the best literary men in the poem and calligraphy fields at that time. Yu Geun, Lee An-nul, and Yu Mong-in made writings and poems to praise his work. Likewise, ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ is the 'treasure of the time' created through the participation of the best literary men at that time. Given the aspects, it is fair to say that ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ is not simply a personal artwork of Lee Jeong, but is a comprehensive artwork and also a cultural monument created through the skills and capabilities of the literary artists in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty. After the death of Lee Jeong, Three Purities Album was handed over to Hong Ju-won. But, during the second Manchu Invasion into Korea in 1636, the album was in danger of disappearance by fire. As of now, there are still signs of fire in it, which vividly shows the urgent situation at that time. After the second Manchu Invasion into Korea in 1636, Hong Ju-won recovered some damaged writings with the help of Yoon Shin-ji. Since then, the album had been handed down as a family treasure over the next 7 generations. It can be found in the writings by Song Si-yeol and Uh Yu-bong. Unlike the literary men who praised Three Purities Album in terms of its work when Lee Joeng was alive, they focused on the transmission courses of the album and involved persons. That seems to be because the stories and characters appearing in Three Purities Album impressed the later literary men and were meaningful to them rather than the album itself. It strongly reflected the positions of Hong Jung-gi and Hung Sang-han who asked for writings as the descendants of Hong Ju-won. That is because the traces of the persons involved in Three Purities Album are the causes for admiring their ancestors and enhancing their political legitimacy and family dignity. Therefore, in this aspect, it is possible to witness the fundamental causes of the unique artistic awareness by East Asian people who consider their historical meanings as well as the aesthetic value of artworks significant. Unfortunately, during the Japanese invasion at the end of the Joseon Dynasty, Three Purities Album was handed over to Japanese Tzuboikouso. But, fortunately, Jeon Hyeong-pil who made an effort to regain our cultural assets by investing his entire property during the Japanese Imperialism regained the album, which is now preserved in the Kansong Art Museum. ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ truly includes the whole processes to overcome national crises that Korean people experienced during the Japanese Invasion in 1592, the second Manchu Invasion of Korea in 1636, and the Japanese Imperialism, and it shows the sufferings of our cultural assets and the history of preservation. Also, the album shows that one artwork is able to accumulate its historical meanings in the process of transmission and thus enhances its meanings and values. ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ features accumulative and constant historical meanings and it is a typical case showing that an artwork is plenty of aesthetic and historical values. It is expected that this work will contribute to promoting more studies on finding historical meanings and hysteresis of artworks.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.18-53
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• 2019

The paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were recently donated to the National Museum of Korea and unveiled to the public for the first time at the 2019 special exhibition "Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea." These two paintings carry significant implications for understanding Joseon art history. Because the fact that they were components of a folding screen produced after a sightseeing tour of the Gwandong regions in 1557 has led to a broadening of our understanding of sixteenth-century landscape painting. This paper explores the art historical meanings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion by examining the contents in the two paintings, dating them, analyzing their stylistic characteristics, and comparing them with other works. The production background of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion can be found in the colophon of Chongseokjeong Pavilion. According to this writing, Sangsanilro, who is presumed to be Park Chung-gan (?-1601) in this paper, and Hong Yeon(?~?) went sightseeing around Geumgangsan Mountain (or Pungaksan Mountain) and the Gwandong region in the spring of 1557, wrote a travelogue, and after some time produced a folding screen depicting several famous scenic spots that they visited. Hong Yeon, whose courtesy name was Deokwon, passed the special civil examination in 1551 and has a record of being active until 1584. Park Chung-gan, whose pen name was Namae, reported the treason of Jeong Yeo-rip in 1589. In recognition of this meritorious deed, he was promoted to the position of Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Punishments, rewarded with the title of first-grade pyeongnan gongsin(meritorious subject who resolved difficulties), and raised to Lord of Sangsan. Based on the colophon to Chongseokjeong Pavilion, I suggest that the two paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were painted in the late sixteenth century, more specifically after 1557 when Park Chung-gan and Hong Yeon went on their sightseeing trip and after 1571 when Park, who wrote the colophon, was in his 50s or over. The painting style used in depicting the landscapes corresponds to that of the late sixteenth century. The colophon further states that Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were two paintings of a folding screen. Chongseokjeong Pavilion with its colophon is thought to have been the final panel of this screen. The composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion recalls the onesided three-layered composition often used in early Joseon landscape paintings in the style of An Gyeon. However, unlike such landscape paintings in the An Gyeon style, Gyeongpodae Pavilion positions and depicts the scenery in a realistic manner. Moreover, diverse perspectives, including a diagonal bird's-eye perspective and frontal perspective, are employed in Gyeongpodae Pavilion to effectively depict the relations among several natural features and the characteristics of the real scenery around Gyeongpodae Pavilion. The shapes of the mountains and the use of moss dots can be also found in Welcoming an Imperial Edict from China and Chinese Envoys at Uisungwan Lodge painted in 1557 and currently housed in the Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University. Furthermore, the application of "cloud-head" texture strokes as well as the texture strokes with short lines and dots used in paintings in the An Gyeon style are transformed into a sense of realism. Compared to the composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which recalls that of traditional Joseon early landscape painting, the composition of Chongseokjeong Pavilion is remarkably unconventional. Stone pillars lined up in layers with the tallest in the center form a triangle. A sense of space is created by dividing the painting into three planes(foreground, middle-ground, and background) and placing the stone pillars in the foreground, Saseonbong Peaks in the middle-ground, and Saseonjeong Pavilion on the cliff in the background. The Saseonbong Peaks in the center occupy an overwhelming proportion of the picture plane. However, the vertical stone pillars fail to form an organic relation and are segmented and flat. The painter of Chongseokjeong Pavilion had not yet developed a three-dimensional or natural spatial perception. The white lower and dark upper portions of the stone pillars emphasize their loftiness. The textures and cracks of the dense stone pillars were rendered by first applying light ink to the surfaces and then adding fine lines in dark ink. Here, the tip of the brush is pressed at an oblique angle and pulled down vertically, which shows an early stage of the development of axe-cut texture strokes. The contrast of black and white and use of vertical texture strokes signal the forthcoming trend toward the Zhe School painting style. Each and every contour and crack on the stone pillars is unique, which indicates an effort to accentuate their actual characteristics. The birds sitting above the stone pillars, waves, and the foam of breaking waves are all vividly described, not simply in repeated brushstrokes. The configuration of natural features shown in the above-mentioned Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion changes in other later paintings of the two scenic spots. In the Gyeongpodae Pavilion, Jukdo Island is depicted in the foreground, Gyeongpoho Lake in the middle-ground, and Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Odaesan Mountain in the background. This composition differs from the typical configuration of other Gyeongpodae Pavilion paintings from the eighteenth century that place Gyeongpodae Pavilion in the foreground and the sea in the upper section. In Chongseokjeong Pavilion, stone pillars are illustrated using a perspective viewing them from the sea, while other paintings depict them while facing upward toward the sea. These changes resulted from the established patterns of compositions used in Jeong Seon(1676~1759) and Kim Hong-do(1745~ after 1806)'s paintings of Gwandong regions. However, the configuration of the sixteenth-century Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which seemed to have no longer been used, was employed again in late Joseon folk paintings such as Gyeongpodae Pavilion in Gangneung. Famous scenic spots in the Gwandong region were painted from early on. According to historical records, they were created by several painters, including Kim Saeng(711~?) from the Goryeo Dynasty and An Gyeon(act. 15th C.) from the early Joseon period, either on a single scroll or over several panels of a folding screen or several leaves of an album. Although many records mention the production of paintings depicting sites around the Gwandong region, there are no other extant examples from this era beyond the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion discussed in this paper. These two paintings are thought to be the earliest works depicting the Gwandong regions thus far. Moreover, they hold art historical significance in that they present information on the tradition of producing folding screens on the Gwandong region. In particular, based on the contents of the colophon written for Chongseokjeong Pavilion, the original folding screen is presumed to have consisted of eight panels. This proves that the convention of painting eight views of Gwangdong had been established by the late sixteenth century. All of the existing works mentioned as examples of sixteenth-century real scenery landscape painting show only partial elements of real scenery landscape painting since they were created as depictions of notable social gatherings or as a documentary painting for practical and/or official purposes. However, a primary objective of the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion was to portray the ever-changing and striking nature of this real scenery. Moreover, Park Chung-gan wrote a colophon and added a poem on his admiration of the scenery he witnessed during his trip and ruminated over the true character of nature. Thus, unlike other previously known real-scenery landscape paintings, these two are of great significance as examples of real-scenery landscape paintings produced for the simple appreciation of nature. Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion are noteworthy in that they are the earliest remaining examples of the historical tradition of reflecting a sightseeing trip in painting accompanied by poetry. Furthermore, and most importantly, they broaden the understanding of Korean real-scenery landscape painting by presenting varied forms, compositions, and perspectives from sixteenth-century real-scenery landscape paintings that had formerly been unfound.