• Pediatric Infection and Vaccine
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.116-125
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• 1997

Purpose : Studies on the duration of immune response against Japanese encephalitis virus from recipients with JE vaccine (Nakayama-NIH strain) in Korea. Methods : To determinate the immune response and the duration of antibody against JE vaccine, 213 students were examined since 1994 using hemmaglutination inhibition test and plaque reduction neutralization test (PRNT). Results : 24 months after the first vaccination, haemmaglutination inhibition and neutralizing antibody maintained from the recipients 63.4% (>1:20) and 100% (>1:20), respectively. In April 1996, one dose booster to the same recipients those who were vaccinated in 1994, the GMT antibody for HI and PRNT titer were both increased from 1:11.6 to 1:13.2 and 1:275.7 to 1:348.1, respectively, after 6 months booster (after 30 months from the initial vaccination). This results showed that the antibody from the active immunity could be maintained more than 12 months after the initial vaccination. On the basis of these results, inactivated killed JE vaccine (Nakayama-NIH strain) using for preventing against JE purpose seems to produce antibody enough to protect against JE at present. Conclusions : Along with the results of this study demonstrating duration of antibody, the active immunization could be maintained as long as by initial vaccination of 2 doses, a single dose of booster vaccination made during a period of 1 month to 12 months and the successive booster vaccination by 2 or 3 year intervals. However, the immunization schedule should be concerned with both epidemiology of disease and the immune response of vaccinated individuals.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.60
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• pp.125-149
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• 2012

This study explores the formational process of KBS PD's professional identity in the 1970's, focusing on everyday work and workplace for program production. In terms of salary and social-cultural status, a television PD was not a desirable occupation in the 70's. Since the beginning of radio broadcasting, production of culture and education programs had been sub-categorized under Programming Division. Also, it has been claimed in several researches that in the 70's, the production of education and cultural programs had visibly grown owing to the political necessity of policy PR and campaigns, and the introduction of new broadcasting equipment and technologies for producing the mentioned political campaign programs. However, this study argues that the main force that led to such developments was the cultural practices and the production spirits of the KBS PD's. These PD's trained themselves in production workplace from the bottom by assisting film directors and learning from cameramen about the film making and post-production process. Moreover, in the transitional phase from film to magnetic tape recorder, they established themselves as main subjectivities of production by developing Division of Culture and Education as a specialized and independent sector. The "program production spirit and DNA" that evolved from the experiences of working in poor production environment served as a force for developing professional and self identity. However, the culture and education PD's of the 70's were still tied down to the limited roles of simply providing technological and productional 'professionalism' within the hegemonic structure of the strong state. As with the members of any other social domain at the time, PD's had restricted roles to play and putting in effort and competing to create better programs was the only 'freedom' that was allowed. This study argues that under such condition, KBS PD's implemented two strategies to construct their own professional identities: one was to distinguish themselves from official broadcasters, and the other was to distinguish themselves from commercial broadcasters. Unfortunately, ethical practice as a professional became nothing more than an issue of personal morality and broadcasting's public responsibility was lost under the shadows of commercial broadcasting.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.41
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• pp.33-56
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• 2015

Trauma studies have provided useful models for dealing with the catastrophic and disastrous events that an individual and collective group experience. Most important of all, the perspective of post-structuralist trauma study, including Cathy Caruth, became a paradigmatic model and it has been applied to almost all contexts of life. The perspective of this study model, which is called an "event-based model of trauma," focuses on the literal registration of the traumatic event and the accurate and immediate recall of the past. The person directly involved in the event becomes the passive bearer transmitting the truth of a traumatic event. From this perspective, the traumatic subject only undergoes and endures the event and cannot play an active role in constructing trauma and dealing with it. Eventually, the truth of trauma has to be obtained at the cost of the traumatic subject's autonomy and the possibility of his/her agency. The problem here is that the truth, which is reencountered through the literal return of the past, obtained at the cost of the subject's autonomy, strikes a rather fatal blow to the person, than gives help for resolving many of matters surrounding traumatic experience and curing trauma. This suggests that the active way of dealing with trauma on the part of the traumatic subject, rather than the traumatic event itself, is demanded. Furthermore, because more recently, images of disastrous events were viewed "live" by audiences and an immediacy to the event is replicated in public discourse about them, the event becomes more immediately traumatic and there is a more strong presumption that people regard themselves as traumatic victims than before. This is the reason that we must explore an active way dealing with trauma on more human position at this time. This essay aims to examine the limits of the paradigmatic model of trauma study, an "event-based model of trauma," critically through a literary, theoretical text in which it reveals how the literal return of the traumatic past have a fatal effect on the victim; and hopes to suggest "the narrative memory" as a way to deal with trauma from a more humanistic perspective.

• The Critical Review of Religion and Culture
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• no.31
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• pp.255-287
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• 2017

This paper analyzes the religious circuit of suicidal concept based on verbal expression and ritual acts, which are found in the suicide discourse of Korean Catholic Church and Protestant Church. In the relationship of suicide and religion, it is easily overlooked the religious circuit and its construction that forms the concept of suicide among the religious laymen. It is assumed that the belief system of traditional religions prohibits suicide and the laymen accordingly construct a perception or concept of suicide along with this belief system. Various studies on this subject have proved it. However, in order to understand the religious way of constructing the concept of suicide on a personal level, it is necessary to pay attention to the religious environment in which the concepts and emotions of suicide circulate. The laymen do not passively and perfectly accept the finely established suicide concept provided by the doctrine or the theology. Rather, the laymen tend to collect the pieces of concept over the suicide that are drifting in the religious environment of his/her daily routine life and to make an concept of suicide in an incomplete form. We can find the unstable and imperfect traits of such a suicide concept through the experience of suicide survivors who have a religious background. For the suicide survivors with religious beliefs, they resist the formal doctrinal and theological provisions to suicide, or try to understand the notion of suicide in their own contexts. In terms of linguistic expressions and ritual acts relating to suicide, the attentions are differently directed in the public and the private domain among the religious groups. Considering on the high rates of suicide in Korean society, the Korean Catholic Churches are increasingly tolerant over the suicide and accept it in the public sphere. It is unlikely when comparing to the negative attitudes of the suicide in the past. However, such tolerance does not go beyond the doctrinal and ethical judgment that defines suicide as a serious sin. The once-committed lay believer's speech and gestures usually contain the various emotions, such as sadness, grief, anxiety, regretfulness, eagerness, and pain in the private spheres. The language and gestures with these emotions have been activated in the religious circuits of suicide, being extended to the religious apparatus for the person who died of suicide. In case of Protestantism, the institutional organizations, such as the particular denominations and the individual-churchism of the Korean Protestant Churches, and their own interpretations of the Bible have in the private sphere strongly effected on the linguistic expressions and the rituals related to the suicide. The religious-ethical judgment of the suicide is varied how the suicide is interpreted by the theologians and the pastors. And the ritual acts for healing the complex feelings and the psychological wounds of the suicide survivors are not actively explored and adopted yet. It makes harder to approach and heal the protestant followers since they emphasize the innermost belief and the salvation assurance faith.