• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.16 no.3
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• pp.224-248
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• 2010

This study is to analyze the Korean translation of "Goseong Chongswaerok" by O Hoeng-muk as a local governor through political ecology. It focuses on how O Hoeng-muk recognized and wrote the interrelation among weather, agriculture, local resident's life, and local policy. The results are summarized in the followings. Firstly, weather was recorded into three types of expression, simple and dynamic expression and agriculture-related expression. Its dynamics was much meaningful and important when weather was related to local resident's life and local or non-local economy and politics. Secondly, weather and local government were conflict under a particular natural condition like severe drought. And society and politics are affected by such a conflict. Thirdly, local people's demonstration was occurred under a certain condition. Bounded agency can be founded in O Hoeng-muk's behavior as a local governor like jinhyul(賑恤), rain rituals, tax collection. Fourthly, the interrelation among weather, agriculture, local people's life, and local policy implemented in a particular local like Goseong ought to be interpreted in terms of multiple scales.

• Proceedings of the Korea Water Resources Association Conference
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• 2019.05a
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• pp.369-369
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• 2019

최근 전 세계적 기상이변으로 홍수 가뭄 폭설 혹서 혹한 등의 재해 때문에 많은 사람들이 고통에 시달리고 있다. 기상이변으로 인한 재해는 과거에도 존재하였으며 한민족의 역사와 함께하였다. 온고이지신가 이위사의(溫故而知新可以爲師矣)는 논어의 위정편(爲政編)에 나오는 공자의 말씀이다. '옛 것을 익혀 새것을 알면 남의 스승이 될 수 있다'라는 뜻으로 재난을 연구하는 연구자의 입장에서 보면 반드시 새겨둘 구절이다. 역사 속에서 자연재해는 군주(君主)의 부덕(不德)이나 실정(失政)의 소치(所致)로 여겨지고 나아가서는 왕조나 국운의 쇠퇴와도 관련이 이어지기까지 했다. 이미 과거 자연기록에 있었던 일들이며 이러한 사실은 세계문화유산으로 지정된 "조선왕조실록"을 통해 조선시대의 자연재해 기록을 살펴볼 수 있다. "조선왕조실록"을 보면 경술년 현종 11년(1670년 5월 2일) "가없는 우리백성들이 무슨 죄가 있단 말인가. 아, 허물은 나에게 있는데, 어째서 재앙은 백성에게 내린단 말인가." 1671년 말 경신대기근으로 인한 사망자 수가 100만 명에 이른다고 기록도 있다. 기양의례'란 가뭄, 홍수, 전염병 같은 자연재해만이 아니라 개인의 질병과 불행 등 일상적인 삶의 조건을 위협하는 상황이 닥쳤을 때 이를 소멸하고자 거행하는 대표적인 재난문화의 종류이며 비정기적 의례를 의미한다. 조선시대에 기양의례는 재난대응의 상징적인 의미를 갖고 있다. 현재의 우리나라로 보면 재난안전대책 본부와 비견할 수 있다. 조선시대에는 "기양의례"를 통해 임금을 포함한 조정이 적극적 해결의지를 천명하고 각 고을의 관리와 지방군을 동원하여 수습 복구에 최선을 다했다. 부세를 견감하고 구제곡을 지급하는 등의 진휼정책이 뒤따랐다. 백성들도 오가작통제와 향약을 통해 환난상휼을 실천하였다. 이처럼 조선시대에는 비록 기술적인 부분은 미약했지만 재난대응의 체계만큼은 상당히 앞서있었다. 본 연구에서는 조선시대의 강원도 영동지방 자연재난사례를 조선왕조실록을 통해 조사하고 재난에 대응하기 위한 재난문화를 조사하고자 한다.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.313-342
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• 2018

Gubong Song Ik-pil could not behave according to his aspiration directly due to restrictions in his social standing. Despite that, he actually did so indirectly through either close friends or younger students by exhibiting 'cheobyeonwigwon (處變爲權) with the goal of jichijuui (至治主義). He insisted on people-oriented politics grounded on cheonmyeongsasang (天命思想) and also suggested the humbleness of the royal family and jinhyulchaek (賑恤策) based on love of the people. In addition, he promoted public welfare and stability to enhance patriotism and also insisted on the policy of strengthening national defense with seoeolgongsacheon (庶?公私賤)'s provision of military service through the enforcement of yangcheonjongbujongmobeop (良賤從父從母法). Also, according to the letter sent to Lee San-bo, he suggested public service ethics, for instance, personally, getting rid of ulterior motives, exhibiting diligence, integrity, and wisdom, and doing one's utmost to handle tasks fairly without causing any problems and externally, being actively involved in managing and utilizing persons of ability and also relieving the poor and managing masters as well. In brief, we can assume that Song Ik-pil's thought of statecraft (經世思想) is the concrete methodology to reach the politics of kingcraft called 'jichi (至治)' by stabilizing public welfare grounded on benevolent and benign administration. He is often compared to Jegalryang on account of his innate qualities and cleverness. He was equipped with the excellent capacity of gyeongse even referred to as the moju (謀主) of four persons, Yi Yi, Seong Hon, Jeong Cheol, and Lee Gwi, and harshly criticized as a slick evil (奸鬼), too. His gyeongsesasang, however, ended up being incomplete due to restrictions in his social status. He was a person who loved the people more than anyone else, kept suggesting innovative reform plans to stabilize the people's lives, and was capable of practicing them all. His ideal of jichi was left unfulfilled, however.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.153-184
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• 2018

The aim of this thesis was to examine the circumstances that led up to successful coin use across the entire nation in 1678 (the $4^{th}$ year of King Sukjong's reign), during the Joseon Dynasty. To this end, this thesis analysed the Sa-Mouk(事目, Provisions) that contained the institutional protocol for coin circulation, implemented by King Hyojong and the statesman Kim Youk(金堉) who had practical experience in these matters over the ten years of King Hyojong's reign(1649-1659). To regulate the problematic wide circulation of coarse cotton cloth as currency in the market of 1650 (the $1^{st}$ year of King Hyojong's reign), prohibition measures were implemented. Besides the superficial justification given for these measures(i.e., that the market price was disturbed by the use of coarse cotton cloth), there was another purpose to prohibiting the circulation of cotton cloth as money, following the standard ruled by the government: the state aimed to ensure momentum for the upcoming coin circulation policy, by strengthening its control of the current economy. In 1651 (the $2^{nd}$ year of King Hyojong's reign), the government fully cracked down on the use of coarse cotton cloth as currency, and simultaneously implemented its coin circulation policy in the Pyeongan(平安) region. The pretext for this policy was to raise finances to support people who were starving as a result of poor harvests and famine. People who received coins from government officials could purchase food in the market, and the coin circulation policy was judged to be successful. Subsequently, to extend coin circulation further throughout the region, the Sa-Mouk for Seoul was established. The Sa-Mouk included stipulations regarding the use of coin in transactions and for government expenditure; it aimed thereby to enhance the national policy's market credit. The hasty implementation of the policy for the expansion of coin circulation caused some problems that required its modification. In 1652 (the $3^{rd}$ year of King Hyojong's reign), coin circulation was increased to encompass the Gyeonggi(京畿) region, and some of the tax that had been paid in rice was now paid in coin. However, coins were in short supply, since there was insufficient copper, the main material used in coin production, and the policy faced a significant limitation. Therefore, in 1655(the $6^{th}$ year of King Hyojong's reign), a new Sa-Mouk for coin circulation was established. This Sa-Mouk included specifications regarding the determination of coin values based on rice and silver, and mandated the wide spread installation of stores for exchanging spot goods for coins throughout the region in which coins were circulating. This policy's objective was to secure stability for the national economy by further regulating coin circulation. The sustained implementation of the coin circulation policy for ten years by King Hyojong and the statesman Kim Youk offered the government an opportunity to accumulate experience in coin circulation in the market, and also to learn from institutional trial and error. This may have been one of the contributing factors to the nation-wide coin circulation that was established in 1678. The objective of the policy implemented during King Hyojong's reign was not to meet the market's requirements, but rather to ensure the preservation of the national economy, and this misjudgement constituted the policy's key limitation. At this time, the government urgently needed to secure finances to cope with the war against China's Qing Dynasty.