• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.53-75
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• 2018

This study explores and compares how rural teachers and Chinese newspapers representing the dominant ideology of the state and the local government construct left behind children's problems and solutions. I draw on teacher interviews in two rural schools and the reports of three major Chinese newspapers (2011 to 2015). Teacher and media narratives largely agreed that parental absence and negative mental health consequences were the biggest source of the problem, placing the blame largely on families. However, the narratives diverged when discussing solutions as teachers largely sought institutional structural solutions while the media emphasized the individual role that volunteers could play. School-based activities and teachers' contributions extensively discussed in teacher interviews were muted from newspaper reports that emphasized contributions from government officials and local representatives.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.9 no.3
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• pp.69-79
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• 2011

This study is the text discourse of agenda setting through media policy on the three communities. The materials of subjects are the 71 text discourses that appeared in the columns, the special manuscripts, and the comments on the contemporary topics in 33 media. The subjects focuses on the metaphor, metonymy, and binary transposition. This kind of connotation tends to be imploded into people through media, so that it produces hyperreality. This process produces the regulation and strengthens the reality through the circuit of culture. Thus this research tries to develop the theoretical foundation for analysing the text discourse produced by the media. Also it focuses on widening the research scope to study the effects that the circuit of culture provides on the politics, society, and economics. Therefore The first, the objective meanings(denotation)which the referents of the community as T'PALACE, I'PARK, and STARCITY are 'larger scale', 'high and skyscraper', 'the rich people and the plutocrats who have very high academic career' and ' the residence place for the famous stars and successful CEOs', etc. and the subjective meanings, connotations which the referents of the community are 'The first street' transposes '1%' 'their own space' into the characteristics of the wealth of Gangnam district or Korean wealth', the additional significations which the metaphors such as 'the noble community', 'the sample for the high -level residential space', and 'the greed of 1%'. Conclusion, The significations of the symbols became imploded into the population and circulated along with the cultural streams through the media. The referents are recreated and consumed among the other communities such as the named 'PALACE', 'I'PARK', 'STARCITY' in the other areas. This kind of ideology tends to create the myths such as 'the 1% rich people of Gangnam', 'the first street of Korean wealth', and create the regulation such as 'the compound taxes for the real-estates', 'the policy of reducing the taxes for the rich', 'the policy of reducing the taxes for the 1% of the rich'. Also these regulations make the politicians operate new policies and are being utilized as 'slogan' for the politicians.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.83-93
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• 2017

The U.S.-China Relations could be analyzed two perspectives and their basis under major international p olitics theory-power transition with conditions: (1) North Korean's nuclear puzzle, (2) THAAD in the Kor ean Peninsula and (3) the U.S.-ROK Alliance. One perspective is the global order dominates the regional order, and then stable regional order comes out. The other is the regional order dominates the global ord er, and China wages a regional hegemonic conflict against the United States. Consequently, America's o verwhelming leadership in North Korean's nuclear, THAAD and U.S.-ROK Alliance as national power is expected to endure. But China also has expected empowerment and cooperation for the peace and stabilit y on the Korean Peninsula military problems. In this perspective, South Korea needs to pay attention to the changing power distribution and competition between the U.S. and China and needs to strengthen a balancing and harmonious diplomatic strategy, so called 'see-saw diplomacy'.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.2
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• pp.82-95
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• 2015

Cultural heritage contains traditional values and we have to conserve its intrinsic value. But in the other hands it is argued that it's no need to preserve heritage for its own sake, and nowadays we appreciate that active use of heritage is enhancing its value and making position secure in its society. It will need not only to protect heritage, but also to ensure its use, and its economic value are harnessed to the benefit of local communities. We are going to enter upon experience economy through information society and to have a creative economy policy discourse. The effects of globalisation on societies are manifested in the attrition of their values, identities of vernacular heritage. Therefore relationship between development and heritage must be examined. In this article I suggest the methodologies of vitalizing cultural heritage based creative industries, especially through making the creative ecosystem and optimising the performance of the cultural heritage based cluster.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.22 no.5
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• pp.633-642
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• 2022

This is conducted with the aim of critical discussions on existing arguments, focusing on the establishment of a higher lifelong learning ecosystem. First, this study discusses the characteristics of university education in Korea and the discourse on the crisis of local universities. Second, the arguments on the establishment of lifelong learning society and a lifelong learning system. Third, the arguments for the establishment of a higher lifelong learning ecosystem are reviewed and practical measures for this are critically discussed. The conclusion is as follows. Measures for the establishment of a higher lifelong learning ecosystem have been discussed in considerable detail, and through this, the possibility of overcoming the crisis of local universities and balanced regional development is sufficient. However, first, the university should play a central role, but this study questions whether university reform could be achieved to suit it. Second, in order to overcome the crisis, national responsibility, responsibility, and continuous support are required. On the other hand, it raised questions about whether cooperation from the current Korean government authorities is possible. Third, local communities should also achieve governance and participate in democratic ways, raising questions about whether a foundation-forming strategy for stakeholder consensus is established.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.12 no.4
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• pp.395-420
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• 2009

Academic discourses on Swahili identity have been focused on either its Bantu or Arabic-originated theories. Both theories, nevertheless, have a common feature: a unilineal origin of Swahili identity. This paper questions on this Swahili identity and argues that Swahili identity has been developed through historical experience and discourses. For this, the paper utilizes Barth's theory of situationalism. Barth(1998(1969)) suggests that maintaining an ethnic identity is a personal or group choice out of multiple layers of social identities according to his or their social environments. Tanzanian Swahili identity is a good case for this analysis. Based on fieldwork conducted at Magomeni and Msasani in Dar es Salaam, a capital of Tanzania, the paper shows that residents in both areas hold strong Swahili identities although they have different social and historical experience. In case of Magomeni, most of the residents came from Zanzibar, a core Swahili cultural area. They trace their original genealogy from Arabia peninsular. Besides, they argue that they speak a proper kiSwahili(Swahili language) distinguishable from inland kiSwahili. On the contrary, residents of Msasani show variety of ethnic identities, far from a proper Swahili. They have adapted Swahili identities since the independence of Tanzania. With the help of strong socialist policies, including a language policy, most of Tanzanian ethnic groups have ignored their own identities and accommodated a national identity, Tanzanian(waTanzania) or Swahili people(waSwahili). Makonde immigrants from Mozambique who consists the majority of residents in Msasani also easily accommodate Swahili identity in the course. Therefore, Makonde have began to rebirth as waSwahili by claiming that they are living in Tanzania and speak kiSwahili as a mother tongue.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.287-306
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• 2017

Since the 1990s, political geographers have focused on the study of the process of border construction. They have shifted from the old morphological and functional approaches to boundary that have focused on the types and functions of boundaries. Recent scholarship on border studies understand boundaries and the border regions as entities with overlapping and competing relationships not as manifestation of territoriality. There has been the emphasis on the multidimensional actors and the historical and cultural legacies inherent in the border region as well. Based on these recent discussions, this study examines how the border region has been constructed by various actors and strategies in Dandong China, the border city between North Korea and China. Several sanctions including UN Security Council have been resolved and implemented in accordance with North Korea's nuclear and missile development, which is a relevant example to examine the "border as relationships" in which strategies of various actors are competing. In addition, this paper has a significance as a case study on the construction process of border and the characteristics of its materiality, which is a way to overcome the limitation of discourse-oriented critical geopolitical research.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.9 no.3
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• pp.297-313
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• 2003

Problems caused by the U.S. military bases have attracted little attention until recently due to the national security of S.Korea and the peace of North-Eastern Asia, emphasized from the perspective of macro-geopolitics. However, since the political regime has been democratized and political discourses have been liberalized from the 1990s, those problems become a nation-widely serious social issue, though they have been brought about on the local areas. Thus, it can be suggested that micro-geopolitics is highly relevant and significant in approaching the local problems caused by the U.S. military bases, and ultimately resolving the macro-geopolitical problem of longstanding unfair relations in the SOFA and the withdrawal of U.S. troops. This paper aims to consider local problems caused by the U.S. military bases and resolving strategies from the perspective of micro-geopolitics. First of all, it discusses some significance of the micro-geopolitical perspective, as it has been recently emphasized in political geography in considering local problems and politics of life on the basis of place, then looks on empirically criminal and environmental problems caused by the U.S. military bases, analyses the questionnaire date on the perception of local dwellers around the military camps in Nam-gu Daegu, and finally suggests strategies to resolve those problems, which level up from the micro to the macro-scale of geopolitics.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.326-346
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• 2002

This study examined how the tradition and culture based on the historical experience of the region are regenerated on the making regional identity and symbolic representation in Kurim-ri, Youngam. Kurim has represented the most typical community of the aristocratic class through Daedong-gae of 400 years. But, since 1970's Kurim has undergone a rapid change in regional identity in Kurim ; from the beginning of the spot of Wangin festival to the village of earthenware, the village of pottery culture heritage most recently. The process of history-making around Wangin in Kurim was connected with the strategy of the pottery culture village-making centering around the Youngam Pottery Culture Center. These projects ultimately were resulted in expression the regional identity, 'Kurim of Wang-in'. The regional tradition of Daedong-gae and Wangin in Kurim was linked together solidly through the Wangin festival procedures. And the excavation of a kiln site in Kurim which was going on with the process of history-making at the same time around Wangin in Kurim provided the cultural episode on related 'earthenware' with an archeological foundation. As a consequence of these, the cultural space, the Young-am Pottery Culture Center has came to establish in Kurim finally. However, recently the Kurim of Wangin and Daedong-gae which was representative of regional identity in Kurim is bringing Dosun who was distorted and estranged during the history-making focused on Wangin in Kurim. Now, there are some cultural issues in Kurim ; an authentical settlement of the Youngam Pottery Culture Center in Kurim and how Wangin and Dosun is linked together into the cultural strategy of 'the traditional village, Kurim'.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.16 no.3
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• pp.295-314
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• 2010

The paper attempts to balance the discourses of transnational spaces that have focused on de-territorialization, by emphasizing that transnational spaces are maintained also through re-territorialization. Reviewing the literature of transnational social fields, translocality, multicultural spaces and transnational places, I aim to show the way the main issues from the literature help understand an actually existing transnational space, Little Mania in Daehangno, Seoul. I specifically address the dialectic relation between de-territorialization and re-territorialization, multi-scalar networks, and hybridity of multicultural spaces in interpreting the weekend enclave of Filipinos in Seoul. I argues that Little Manila is a grounded translocality operating through multi-scaled networks of various actors. Furthermore, it is not a unified space where one dominant Filipino identity stands out. Different Filipinos and Filipinas constitute the space imagining different homes. It is also a multicultural space open to other minorities, which suggests the possibility of alternative spatial politics based on co-presence of different 'Others'.