• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.47 no.5
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• pp.718-734
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• 2012

This study investigates the interference of politics of regional cleavage in the redistricting for national assembly election and its effects on gerrymandering and malapportionment. Since the Constitutional Assembly election, the argument about gerrymandering and malapportionment continues and the single-member election district with simple plurality system in Korea has aggravated the problem of cleavage and unfairness. Especially, redistrictings for national assembly election in 2008 and 2012 are suspected of gerrymandering by Saenuri party and Democratic United party. Yeongnam region where Saenuri party is dominant and Honam region where Democratic United party is, are over-represented compared to population, while the districts in Gyeonggi-do are under-represented and the need for increasing the number of districts has been ignored. These redistrictings might come from unfair and collusive interference of politics of regional cleavage, and consequently malapportionment has been brought about.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.67 no.4
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• pp.5-29
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• 2015

Intergenerational relations in Korea show very unique characteristics. In political arena, young and old generations clash each other intensely, while they maintain a high level of intergenerational solidarity in policy realm. A logistic regression analysis reveals that generational cleavage plays a key role in affecting voting decision and evaluation of governmental performance. It also suggests that in policy realm, normative, functional, and affectional types of solidarity influence people's attitudes on social policies very strongly. If the current government continues to neglect its promises for expanding welfare, the dual structure of generational cleavage in political arena and intergenerational solidarity in social policy realm can soon be turned into a conflictual structure. Therefore, an active initiative to increase intergenerational justice should be taken in order to attain a long-term, sustainable intergenerational solidarity and coexistence.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.312-334
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• 2010

This paper examines the process of Gyeongbu Highway construction from the standpoint of political economy, which was pursued by President Park Jeong-Hee in the 1960s, focusing on the politics of mobility and demarcation implied in it. As results of examination, it can be argued that Gyeongbu Highway was seen as a powerful element to promote a socio-spatial integration of population and hence to enforce an authoritative political power of the Park regime through creation of mobility; that it has had an strong impact on changing the physical landscape of national space and the spatio-temporal rhythm of everyday life by extending the 'machine space' as a non-place; that it has provided a physical infrastructure on which the period of capital circulation could be reduced through its effect of space-time compression. But Gyeongbu Highway has led serious problems such as uneven regional development, expansion of non-place or alienated place, ecological destruction and pollution. In conclusion, a sustainable politics is suggested to overcome this kind of 'tragedy of highway' and to develop the highway as a true way of political and spatial balance and integration.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.35-68
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• 2021

In the German federal election in 2021, the Social Democrats returned to power by a narrow margin and the Green Party emerged as the biggest winner. The two political parties took the lead by proposing policies that met the expectations of the people in the policies of climate and environment, pandemic response and health, and labor and social security. The Merkel effect did not play a significant role in the election, and it is highly likely that it will lead to government policy after the formation of a coalition. While the class cleavage in voting behavior has weakened, the generational cleavage has grown relatively large. Older people showed more support for the two major parties, while younger people showed higher support for the Green Party and the FDP. If the generational cleavage continues, it can be linked to the growth of the Green Party and the FDP, the continued weakening of the two major parties and the emergence of other new parties. In addition, the regional cleavage between the former East and West Germany still remain, which will affect the direction of the AfD and the Left and combine with other political cleavages. The 2021 German federal election can be said to be an election that heralds the realignment of the political party system.

• The Journal of the Petrological Society of Korea
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• v.11 no.3_4
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• pp.200-213
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• 2002

The Andong granitoid batholith represents five temporally distinct episodes (phases) of igneous activity. The batholith represents a plutonic complex of five pulsatively emplaced distinct intrusive multiphases. The petrochemical data show that the plutons fall into calc-alkaline series except for the Yean pluton, and plot within the diaenostic range for I-type origin and continental arc orogenic tectonic setting. Each pluton reveals systematic compositional variations of major and trace elements with $SiO_2$ or MgO, but different variation trends for some elements and considerably different REE patterns. Thus discontinuous, inconsistent variations in the elements indicate that the five plutons can not be explained by simple fractional crystallization from the same primary magma, but were intruded and solidified from the independent magmas of chemically heterogeneous origin. In the Andong, Dosan and Pungsan plutons, high values of molar CaO/(MgO+$FeO^{t}$ ) combined with low $Al_2$$O_3$/(MgO+$FeO^{t}$ ) and $K_2$O$Na_2$O ratios suggest a magma originated by dehydration melting of a metabasaltic to metatonalitic protolith. Whereas the Imha pluton show similar values of CaO/(MgO+$FeO^{t}$ ), but significantly higher ratios of $Al_2$$O_3$/(MgO+$FeO^{t}$ ) and $K_2$O$Na_2$O implying to a metagreywacke protolith.

• The Journal of Learner-Centered Curriculum and Instruction (JLCCI)
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.75-105
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• 2019

As energy transition accelerates and transition politics intensifies, the strategy and pathway of energy transition are becoming an issue. And there is a growing interest in energy democracy as a discourse criticizing market-led energy transition and seeking fundamental restructuring of energy system. However, the imaginations of energy democracy are different from each other as a social movement discourse and a criterion for political evaluation of energy transition. This study aims to analyze the issues of energy democracy and reinterpret them from the perspective of the Commons. As various social movements are connected, energy democracy includes elements of localization, decentralization, liberalization, commoning and socialization that can conflict with each other in terms of transition strategy. In addition, the imagination of the subject of energy transition is diverging between investors, consumers, workers, and energy citizens. Thinking about energy infrastructure as the Commons in this situation helps to understand the critical issues of energy democracy and to imagine new transition experiments. Energy democracy implies that the new commons are being created across the scale of energy infrastructure in the contention of the transition to a decentralized renewable energy system.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.5-33
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• 2020

Ahead of the 21st Korean National Assembly Election, the congressional election law was revised, and the semi-mixed member proportional system was introduced. The purpose of the revision of the election law was to increase the proportionality and representativeness of the election system through the institutional reform in the direction of promoting a multi-party system. This study shows that the effect of the introduction of the semi-mixed proportional system was compared with the election results when the previous proportional representative system was maintained. There was no significant difference from the results. This study reveals that contrary to the intention of institutional design to revitalize the multi-party system, the two large political parties took the most seats after democratization in 1987, resulting in an unintended consequences. In addition, with regard to the recent argument for party realignment, the Busan, Ulsan, and Gyeongnam regions have been dealigned in the Yeongnam regional cleavage, and are undergoing a process of party realignment. It has not yet entered the stage of realignment, but remains in the stage of fluid dealignment.

• The Journal of the Petrological Society of Korea
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• v.11 no.3_4
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• pp.169-181
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• 2002

Basic~intermediate dike swarms are pervasively developed in the east of the Ulsan Fault, SE Korea. Most of them intruded initially along the NS-trending extensional fractures which developed under EW extension during the East Sea opening in the Early Miocene (before about 17 Ma). The mean-strikes of the basic dikes intruding into the granites are more clockwise rotated in farther eastern side, i. e.$ N06^{\circ}$E, $Nl5^{\circ}$E, and $N37^{\circ}$E in the western side, in the just vicinities, and in the eastern side of the YBonil Tectonic Line (YTL), respectively. And the mean-strike of the basic dikes nearby shoreline is also most clockwise rotated ($N75^{\circ}$E in the Guryongpo Peninsula). The spatial variance indicates that the dikes, located only in the east of the YTL, experienced horizontal-clockwise rotation, and that the dikes in farther east from the YTL experienced more clockwise rotation. It is, thus, supported that the NNW dextral shear stress, generated by the spreading of the East Sea, was propagated toward inland from eastern continental margin of the Korean Peninsula, and that the YTL is an westernmost limit of the clockwise crustal rotations which are pervasively observed in the vicinities of the Miocene basins, SE Korea.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.35-71
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to verify the effect of electoral competition on voters deciding on strategic split-ticket voting under the mixed-member electoral system. As result, the more competitive the constituencies are, the more voters choose to vote for the major parties. The results of logistic regression analysis including interaction terms showed that the more competitive the constituencies are, the more voters choose for candidates from the major parties. Also, the finding shows that major party supporters are less affected by electoral competition than minor party supporters in choosing a candidate in the single-seat districts. In the case of minor party supporters, the more competitive the constituencies were, the more likely they were to choose the major party candidate instead of the minor party candidate. Based on these results, it can be inferred that voters are affected by the presence or behavior of other voters in local constituencies under the first-past-the-post rule. Because of the psychology of not wanting their votes to be useless, voters cast their ballots more strategically as the competition in constituencies intensifies, and as the competition in constituencies slackens, such tendencies weaken, and this trait is particularly evident among minor party supporters.

• Journal of the Mineralogical Society of Korea
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.161-174
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• 2013

The geology of the weondong deposit area consists mainly of Cambro-Ordovician and Carboniferous-Triassic formations, and intruded quartz porphyry and dyke. The skarn mineralized zone in the weondong deposit is the most prospective region for the useful W-mineral deposits. To determine the skarn-mineralization age, U-Pb SHRIMP and K-Ar age dating methods were employed. The U-Pb zircon ages of quartz porphyry intrusion (WD-A) and feldspar porphyry dyke (WD-B) are 79.37 Ma and 50.64 Ma. The K-Ar ages of coarse-grained crystalline phlogopite (WD-1), massive phlogopite (WDR-1), phlogopite coexisted with skarn minerals (WD-M), and vein type illite (WD-2) were determined as $49.1{\pm}1.1$ Ma, $49.2{\pm}1.2$ Ma, $49.9{\pm}3.6$ Ma, and $48.3{\pm}1.1$ Ma, respectively. And the ages of the high uranium zircon of hydrothermally altered quartz porphyry (WD-C) range from 59.7 to 38.7 Ma, which dependson zircon's textures affected by hydrothermal fluids. It is regarded as the effect of some hydrothermal events, which may precipitate and overgrow the high-U zircons, and happen the zircon's metamictization and dissolution-reprecipitation reactions. Based on the K-Ar age datings for the skarn minerals and field evidences, we suggest that the timing of W-skarn mineralization in weondong deposit may be about 50 Ma. However, for the accurate timing of skarn mineralization in this area, the additional researches about the sequence of superposition at the skarn minerals and geological relationship between skarn deposits and dyke should be needed in the future.