• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.46 no.2
• /
• pp.70-95
• /
• 2013

The Tejaprabha Buddha painting, located in the Korai Museum in Kyoto, Japan, was made in 1569 when Joseon Dynasty was in his $14^{th}$ year under SeonJo's ruling, and is only one of Tejaprabha Buddha paintings from the early Chosun dynasty. With its well preserved state, the painting allows clear indications of all icons and list of names that were written, and the record region also has minimal deterioration. This Buddhist painting is a GumSeonMyoHwa which is drawn with gold lining on red hemp cloth and has a relatively small dimension of $84.8{\times}66.1cm$. With the Tejaprabha Buddha in the center, the painting has two unidentified Bodhisattvas, Navagrabha, Rahu, Keto, YiSipPalSoo (28 constellation of the eastern philosophy), SipYiGoong (12 zodiacs of the western philosophy), SamDaeYookSung, and BookDooChilSung (the Big Dipper), all of which provide resourceful materials for constellation worshipin the Joseon era. This painting has a crucial representation of the overall Tejaprabha Buddhism - a type of constellation worships - from the early Joseon dynasty. Even though the composition does seem to be affiliated with the paintings from the Koryo dynasty, there are meaningful transformations that reflect changes in content into constellation worship in Joseon dynasty. As a part of the Tejaprabha Buddha, SipIlYo has become a center of the painting, but with reduced guidance and off-centered 'Weolpe (star)', the painting deteriorates the concept of SipIlYo's composition. Furthermore, addition of Taoistic constellation beliefs, such as JaMiSung (The purple Tenuity Emperor of the North Pole), OkHwangDaeChae, and CheonHwangJae, eliminates the clear distinction between Taoistic and Buddhist constellation worships. Unlike the Chinese Tejaprabha Buddha painting, the concept of YiSipPalSoo (28 constellation of eastern philosophy) in this painting clearly reflects Korean CheonMoonDo's approach to constellation which can be applied to its uniqueness of the constellation worships. The fact that the Big Dipper and ChilWonSungKoon (Buddha of the Root Destiny Stars of the Northern and central Dipper) are simultaneously drawn can also be interpreted as the increase in importance of the constellation worship at the time as well.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.41 no.2
• /
• pp.61-78
• /
• 2008

Celadons painted in underglaze iron brown 'Sung(成)' inscription are characteristic celadons excavated only at the No. 7 kiln site located at Sadang-ri(沙堂里), Daegu-myeon(大口面), Gangjin-gun(康津郡), Jeollanamdo(全羅南道), Korea and has inscription in the inner center of the foot by brush. The inscription was marked where it is not easily seen. it can be assumed that since it showed a variety of hand writings, many people were involved in manufacturing these celadons and the 'Sung' inscription was marked after workshop rather than manufacturer. It was also found that quality of glaze, paste, shape, pattern and firing method were same and these were manufactured with the same techniques in the same period. Kinds of these celadons were mainly sets of tablewares including bowl with handle, bowl, plate, cup, bowl with cover and bottle. Raised relief designs using extrusion technic were especially preferred rather than incised designs and inlaid designs. Cases of using inlaid designs were not frequently found compared to incised designs, thus it can be assumed that in this period, inlaid designs were not generally used. Special designs having the meaning of authority or dignity such as chrysanthemum, peony, parrot and lotus plate designs were not found. Foot was molded with 'U' type except some bowls with cover and plates and firing was done after glazing the whole surface of the ceramic with the support of quartzite at 3 to 4 places of inner bottom of foot. Production period of these celadons with 'Sung' inscription can not be confirmed from other excavation sites outside of No. 7 kiln site at Sadang-ri since there are no other excavation sites whose relics bear 'Sung' inscription. Through comparison research with other relics bear the characteristics of these celadons from tombs, temple sites, shipwrecks, production period of these celadons with 'Sung' inscription can be assumed as second quarter of 13th century. And since the quality of these celadons are generally inferior to the top-quality celadons which were supplied to royal familes and high-ranking aristocrats, it can be deducted that these celadons with 'Sung' inscription were supplied to classes lower than royal familes and high-ranking aristocrats. So it is considered that Celadons with 'Sung' inscription have a great significance as a chronological material to complement the blank of the first half of the 13th century because most of celadons with raised relief designs and engraved relief designs were attributed to 12th century, the period of prosperity.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.43 no.4
• /
• pp.56-77
• /
• 2010

The tortoise pedestal for the memorial monument of Choe Jin-rip(an army officer in the mid-Joseon Period) in Ijo-ri, Naenam-myeon, Gyeongju is known to have been made in 1740. As such, it was originally understood to be a Joseon imitation of a tortoise pedestal made in the Unified Silla Period. The style of the Ijori Tortoise Pedestal differs from other tortoise pedestals dating back to the same period, and bears no resemblance to the Unified Silla pedestals of which it is a copy. Mullu ilgi, a record of the production of the pedestal, explains that the monument was made before the pedestal. Traces show that the two sides of the bottom of the monument were cut off so that it would fit into the smaller space made on the pedestal. It is scarcely conceivable that they made the pedestal and the platform without considering the bottom size of the monument. The record only states that the monument was made at a temple site named Baegundae, without explaining the details of the production process. This leaves some doubt as to whether its production was undertaken systematically. The cloud patterns engraved on this pedestal look similar to the temporal seriation found on the Tortoise Pedestal of the Royal Tomb of King Muyeol and the Seoangni Tortoise Pedestal of Gyeongju. The lotus pattern decorating the square pedestal on the back of the tortoise is one of a number of patterns that were widely used on roof-tiles in the 8th century, the heyday of the Unified Silla Kingdom. The Ijori Tortoise Pedestal, which represents a tortoise moving forward, displays a liveliness the like of which is rarely found in its cousins remaining in Gyeongju. The layout of the patterns in a queue on the tortoise-shell looks much better schematized than those made at an earlier date. It also looks like a more developed form, with the use of space taken into account. Such factors as the style of the patterns, the incongruity between the monument and its pedestal, and what is stated in the historical record indicate that the Ijori Tortoise Pedestal of Gyeongju was made in the mid-8th century(i.e. during the Unified Silla Period), rather than in the Joseon Period(i.e. the 18th century), as an imitation of earlier ones, including changes in the style unique to the Silla Period.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.48 no.1
• /
• pp.4-23
• /
• 2015

In the Buddhist paintings of the four devas, there is a change in the paper material of V aisravana(多聞天) in the early Joseon Dynasty. Until Goryeo Dynasty, Damuncheonwang, who holds a tower(塔) on the right side of Buddha was changed to the form which holds a mandolin(琵琶) in the early Joseon Dynasty. This change was first checked in Byeonsangdo in the Yuan period "The Avatamska Sutra(大方廣佛華嚴經, 1330~1336)", however the actual paper material change in the Buddhist painting is found first as a mural at the Tibetan temples, Cheolbangsa(哲蚌寺), Odunsa(吳屯寺), Baekgeosa(白居寺), which showed the change of tower which Vaisravaṇa held into mongoose. In Joseon Dynasty, also, new distribution of the four devas appeared first, which showed the change of paper material in the first floor roof-stones of Wongaksaji sipcheung seoktap, . However, the position of the four devas which held a tower and a mandolin consistently appear in the Buddhist paintings in the early Joseon Dynasty by mixing on the left and the right. This means the possibility that the paper material and the position of the four devas might be flexible in the early Joseon Dynasty. Just like reflecting this, painting image of the four devas in illustration of "saddharma-pundari-ka-$s{\bar{u}}tra$(Ming 1432, National Museum of Korea)" and illustration of "Jebulsejonyeorae-bosaljonjamyeongching-gagok(제불세존여래 보살존자명칭가곡, 1417)" has opposite position from each other. Therefore, the phenomenon in the Buddhist paintings of the early Joseon had a transitional characteristic which did not secure the fixed form of painting image by illustration of two copies where paper materials of the four devas were different, which characteristic can be said to be the characteristic of art in the transitional period.

• Journal of Korea Water Resources Association
• /
• v.54 no.9
• /
• pp.731-745
• /
• 2021

In this study, the monthly temperature of the Han River basin was predicted by statistical multiple regression models that use global climate indices and weather data of the target region as predictors. The optimal predictors were selected through teleconnection analysis between the monthly temperature and the preceding patterns of each climate index, and forecast models capable of predicting up to 12 months in advance were constructed by combining the selected predictors and cross-validating the past period. Fore each target month, 1000 optimized models were derived and forecast ranges were presented. As a result of analyzing the predictability of monthly temperature from January 1992 to December 2020, PBIAS was -1.4 to -0.7%, RSR was 0.15 to 0.16, NSE was 0.98, and r was 0.99, indicating a high goodness-of-fit. The probability of each monthly observation being included in the forecast range was about 64.4% on average, and by month, the predictability was relatively high in September, December, February, and January, and low in April, August, and March. The predicted range and median were in good agreement with the observations, except for some periods when temperature was dramatically lower or higher than in normal years. The quantitative temperature forecast information derived from this study will be useful not only for forecasting changes in temperature in the future period (1 to 12 months in advance), but also in predicting changes in the hydro-ecological environment, including evapotranspiration highly correlated with temperature.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
• /
• v.98
• /
• pp.78-103
• /
• 2020

Transcribed Buddhist sutras generally consist of a frontispiece illustration, sutra illustrations, and sutra text, although some parts may be lost over time. Most transcribed sutras originally include an official record of the transcription (saseonggi) at either the beginning or end of the volume, which document various details of the production, including who commissioned the sutra and when it was transcribed. If such records are unavailable or difficult to decipher, the date of the sutra can only be estimated by comparison to other works with known production dates. This is the case with Korean Treasure #978, the "Transcription of the Avatamsaka Sutra (Zhou Version) in Gold on White Paper" (hereinafter, "Avatamsaka Sutra, Volume 29"), which does not contain any details of its production. Based on formal comparisons, the volume has been estimated to date from the early Joseon period. Important criteria for estimating the production date include the type of calligraphy script and the overall expression of the sutra illustrations. However, these features are missing from some early Joseon sutras, making it difficult to definitively assert which characteristics are representative of the period. Also, transcribed sutras from the late Goryeo period (after 1350) and early Joseon period are often very similar in terms of the expression of the frontispiece illustrations and sutra illustrations. From the late Goryeo period through the early Joseon period, the illustrations of transcribed sutras, which had previously been relatively detailed and realistic, gradually became more formalized and stylized. Significantly, Avatamsaka Sutra, Volume 29 includes illustrations showing both styles of expression (i.e., realistic and formalized). Moreover, the hemp leaf design on the frontispiece and the border around the sutra illustrations are unique features that have never been seen on any other transcribed sutras. Notably, however, Avatamsaka Sutra in Gold on White Paper, Volume 26 (hereinafter, "Avatamsaka Sutra, Volume 26"), which has not yet been introduced in academic research, is complete with frontispiece, sutra illustrations, and sutra text. This sutra is identical to Avatamsaka Sutra, Volume 29 in size, composition, and details, and is thus estimated to have been produced at the same time and by the same patrons. According to the record at the end of the volume, Avatamsaka Sutra, Volume 26 was commissioned in 1348 by Gi Cheol (d. 1365), which corresponds to the estimated date of Avatamsaka Sutra, Volume 29 derived by formal comparison. Based on this new information, Avatamsaka Sutra, Volume 29 was likely produced in the late Goryeo period rather than the early Joseon period, as has previously been presumed. The new study of Avatamsaka Sutra, Volume 26 also seems to confirm that both sutras were transcribed by highly skilled artisans in 1348 of the late Goryeo period, a transitional phase in the expression of sutra illustrations.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
• /
• v.98
• /
• pp.54-77
• /
• 2020

Produced during the Goryeo period (718-1392), the statue of the monk Huirang Daesa at Haeinsa Temple in Hapcheon is almost life-size, with a height of 82.4 cm, a width of 66.6 cm at the knees, and a maximum width of 44 cm at the torso (front and back). Notably, it is the only known example of an East Asian Buddhist sculpture made from wood and dry lacquer that was formed by joining the front and back halves. However, a similar technique was used on a dry lacquer statue of the Medicine Buddha at Cheongnyangsa Temple in Bonghwa, which is estimated to date from the late Goryeo or early Joseon period. As such, this technique is thought to represent this particular time period. In an eighteenth-century travelogue about a trip to Mt. Gayasan, the author describes a sculpture that is believed to be the statue of Huirang Daesa at Haeinsa Temple, based on various unique features that closely correspond to the sculpture's current appearance. For example, the sculpture is said to have a hole in the chest and rough, knobby tendons and bones, two features that can still be seen today. Another sculpture of a Buddhist monk who was active in the western regions during the third and fourth century also has a hole in the chest, which is said to be a symbol of spiritual strength. The travelogue also states that the statue was lacquered black at the time, which means that it must have been painted with its present colors some time in the nineteenth century. Over time, the sculpture has been enshrined in various halls of Haeinsa Temple, including Haehaengdang, Jinsangjeon, and later Josajeon (Hall of the Patriarchs), and Bojangjeon. Records show that images of Buddhist monks, or "seungsang," were produced in Korea as early as the Three Kingdoms period (18 BCE-660 CE), but few of these works have survived. At present, only four such sculptures are extant, including the images of Huirang Daesa from the Goryeo period, and those of Monk Naong and Uisang Daesa from the Joseon period. Of these, the sculpture of Huirang Daesa has special significance for its early production date (i.e., CE. tenth century), outstanding production techniques, and superb artistic quality, realistically capturing both the external appearance and internal character of the subject. The tradition of producing, sanctifying, and worshipping statues of monks was prevalent not only in Korea, but also in China and Japan. However, each country developed its own preferred materials and techniques for producing these unique images. For example, while China has a large number of mummified Buddhist images (yuksinbul), Japan produced diverse images with various materials (e.g., dry lacquer, wood, clay) according to period. But despite the differences in materials and techniques, the three nations shared the same fundamental purpose of expressing and honoring the inherent spirituality of the monks.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
• /
• no.27
• /
• pp.267-361
• /
• 2008

This article traces how the modern Chinese "nation" was constructed as an "imagined community" around Huang-ti (the Yellow Emperor) in late Qing. Huang-ti was a legendary figure in ancient China and the imperial courts monopolized the worship of him. Many late Qing intellectuals appropriated this symbolic figure and, through a set of discursive strategies of "framing, voice and narrative structure," transformed him into a privileged symbol for modern Chinese national identity. What Huang-ti could offer was, however, no more than a "public face" for the imagined new national community, or in other words, a formal structure without substantial contents. No consensus appeared on whom the Chinese nation should include and where the Chinese nation should draw its boundaries. The anti-Manchu revolutionaries emphasized the primordial attachment of blood and considered modern China an exclusive community of Huang-ti's descent. The constitutional reformers sought to stretch the boundaries to include the ethnic groups other than the Han. Some minority intellectuals, particularly the Manchu ones, re-constructed the historic memory of their ethnic origin around Huang-ti. The quarrels among intellectuals of different political persuasion testify how Huang-ti as the most powerful cultural symbol became a site for contests and negotiations in the late Qing process of national construction.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.38
• /
• pp.63-96
• /
• 2013

$L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) was one of the famous philosophers during the Southern Song period, and is called one of DongNamSanXian(東南三賢) together with ZhuXi(朱熹) and ZhangShi(張?). With his profound knowledge transmitted and uphold by JiaXue(家學), $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) established his learning system, interacting with scholars of those days. Principally, $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙)'s XinLun(心論) was based on Mengzi(孟子)' theory of LiangXin(良心) and BenXin(本心). $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) explained the meaning of such a conscience through ChuXin(初心) and Inner NeiXin(內心). According to $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙), ChuXin(初心) arouses when one encounters external things, and this one's intention enables us to make the right judgments over the outside objects. NeiXin(內心) means LiangXin(良心) and BenXin(本心) that recovered the ability of moral awareness. The important significances of $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙)'s XinLun(心論) are XinWai WuDao(心外無道), and XinWaiWuTian(心外無天). Through these, $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) emphasized that Tian(天), Dao(道), and Li(理) are one. $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) arranged a meeting of EHuSi(鵝湖寺), and exerted efforts to negotiate the academic differences between ZhuXi(朱熹) and LuJiuyuan(陸九淵). However, compared with LuJiuyuan(陸九淵) who asserted FaMingBenXin(發明本心), $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) put the emphasis on DaoWenXue(道問學) with self-awareness of conscience. Meanwhile, $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) valued much of Jing(敬) like ZhuXi(朱熹). But, to $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙), Jing(敬) meant WuJianDuan(無間斷) of ChunYiBuZa(純一不雜) DaoDeXin(道德心), and implied the same as Cheng(誠). $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) stressed the reading and pursuit of study, however, he also asserted that Li(理) could be understood and realized through self-awareness of one's mind and its reflection, and working without interruption. $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙)'s academic tradition of the XinXueDe XueFeng(心學的 學風), which reveals through compromise and confrontation with ZhuXi(朱熹), can be said that it will have a significant meaning of idealism of dispute in the Southern Song period.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.72
• /
• pp.299-327
• /
• 2018

The objective of this study is to examine the regional distribution of Ssireum(Traditional Wrestling) of South and North Korea in the Japanese colonial era. The conclusions of this study are as follows. First, the "Joseon ui hyangto orak(Folk play in Joseon)" showed the record of performing 272 times of Ssireum in 226 regions of the whole nation. Second, the Ssireum of South Korea could be divided into five regions. Seoul/Gyeonggi-do performed Ssireum the most in Dano, Baekjung, and Chuseok while Chungcheong-do performed Ssireum in Baekjung and Chuseok. Jeolla-do and Gyeongsang-do performed Ssireum in Chuseok while Gangwon-do performed Ssireum in Dano and Chuseok. Third, the Ssireum of North Korea could be divided into three regions. All the Hwanghae-do, Pyeongan-do, and Hamgyeong-do performed Ssireum the most in Dano. Fourth, as the period when Ssireum was held the most in the whole nation, Dano, Baekjung, and Chuseok could be pointed out. Ssireum has the characteristics of large-scale play between village communities or regions, instead of individual game. Thus, the Ssireum that was played as a sport event under certain rules for a long time was settled down as a folk play of regional festivals such as Dano, Baekjung, and Chuseok. Fifth, as a folk play and a representative play of seasonal customs, Ssireum was distributed in the whole nation and handed down till today under the regional deviation of South and North Korea. Sixth, the unidentified regions of South Korea that did not perform Ssireum were six places including five dos such as Gapyeong Gyeonggi-do, Boseong Jeollanam-do, Jeju-do, Gunwi and Cheongsong Gyeongsanbuk-do, and Inje Gangwon-do. The regions of North Korea were six places including three dos such as Pyeongyang, Yangdeok, Gangdong, and Gaecheon of Pyeongannam-do, Bakcheon Pyeonganbuk-do, and Dancheon Hamgyeongnam-do. Total 12 places in eight regions were included. Seventh, the number of total items of play names presented in the "Joseon ui hyangto orak(Folk play in Joseon)" was about 6,400 types. Out of them, about 1,300 types were the items including how to play while about 5,100 types were the items presenting the play names only without explanations. Especially, in case of Ssireum, the periods of the lunar calendar were only specified in each region. Unfortunately, it was not possible to check the contents about the actual performance methods and types of Ssireum as they were omitted.