• KOMUNHWA
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• no.68
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• pp.7-24
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• 2006

This article is the critical review of the methods and assumptions with which the Korean archaeologists have tried to approach to the Bronze age society. It was not until the 1980s' that there had been any attempt to define the relevant units for the study of past societies. Before the archaeological records of megalithic builders in the Bronze age began to be analyzed to find out the general traits of chiefdom society, Korean archaeologists had described the variations in the cultural, rather than the social, entities. From the 1990s' , some scholars have attempted to reconstruct the scale and organization of the social groups and explain the growth of polities in evolutionary view, analyzing the hierarchical distributions of settlement data. In the concluding remarks of the review, I would like to indicate the some problems in the conceptualization of the material culture patterning in the regional and/or inter-regional level. First, the conceptual problem which appeared when the Bronze archaeologists define the distribution of artifact assemblages, composed of the specific artifact traits , beyond the instrumental categories that are efficient for the establishments of regional chronologies. It is evidently erroneous conceptualization that we define the artifact assemblages as the socio-cultual entities which came into being in specific time and place, geographically expanded, and finally disappeared based on the view of essentialism. Second, the interpretative problems about wide distributions of certain bronze artifacts must be indicated. I would like to suggest that the wide distributions of the specific bronze dagger or mirror types should be explained not by the cultural area concept related to the ethnicity assumptions, but by the world system or the inter-regional interaction models.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.1-12
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• 2012

Based on the study of the lineage groups around Gyeongju City and the migrants from North Korea, it is recognized that any one of Korean group identities has not been naturally formed over a long time, but socially constructed. One of the project for the Korean human geography orienting toward Korean Studies is to examine, from the place perspective, the complicated and contested identities that modern Koreans are today sharing individually as well as in a group. From such an examination. it can explore specifically the future shape of the Korean identity upon which everybody can agree. To make the project successful, Korean Human Geography needs to start from the study of a specific place that would expose the triangular relations among the three elements: identity, place, ideology or power.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.133-170
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• 2012

This thesis aims to analyze the political, social, and cultural activities of the Acehnese ethnic group living in Jakarta, Indonesia. Based on analysis, this thesis examines how their ethnicity and national identity have been formed and expressed. For this purpose, this study deals with Taman Iskandar Muda (hereinafter referred to as TIM), a group of Acehnese transmigrants living in Jakarta. The immigration of the Acehnese to Jakarta started in the 1950s and the number of Acehnese people living in Jakarta persently amounts to 100,000. TIM, which was organized by the first generational of immigrants, functions to group Acehnese immigrants of various generations and class. Forum Keprihatinan Untuk Aceh(hereinafter referred to as Forka), an organization designed to solve the political problems of TIM, undertook various activities to maintain the peace of Aceh as the representative of TIM. Through those activities, TIM and Forka were able to confirm the feeling of homogeneity among the Acehnese who were living in their hometown and also strengthen their identity within the organizations. However, the fact that TIM and Forka put their focus on humanitarian activities paradoxically shows the political limitations that they sustain. TIM and Forka take care not to make their humanitarian activities seem as if they intend to openly strengthen their Acehnese identity and deny their Indonesian one. These political characteristics of Forka's identity are commonly found in groups that practice long-distance nationalism, as transmigrants in diaspora circumstances do. In the organization of TIM, there exists the menasah, which is a space where discussions of the ethnicity and the nation are practiced. As it is the space for local exchange, menasah reveals the identity of TIM through educational/social activities and public services. Menasah functions as the public arena where people practice ethnic identity on the basis of national integration. As a minority ethnic group living in Jakarta and its neighborhood, they are accustomed to double and selective political activities, social activities, and cultural practices. In order to adapt themselves to the double circumstance that they are faced with, they should live extemporaneously, and this life may be the fate that minority ethnic and transmigrants should endure.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.71-95
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• 2007

This paper attempts to identify the principle of family succession and family patterns of yangban in the late Chosun period through an analysis of male adaptation cases found in family registration records. The primary source of analysis is the family registration documents of Uiseong Kim's from the late 17th century to the early 20th century. As a result, it is found that there is a substantial change in the patterns of family from the early and mid Chosun period to the late Chosun period. The change is the strengthening of the principle of patriarchy succession through male adoption. Looking at the data as a whole, the average number of household members is increased and the membership of kinship also expanded. In contrast to the family patterns of the early Chosun period, not only the patterns of Uiseong Kim's family are predominately immediate family or collateral family but also the majority is extended family in the 18th and 19th centuries. The male adoption cases recorded in Uiseong Kim's family registration documents take up 33.8% of the male adoption cases in the entire family registration documents. This goes to show that the strengthening of the principle of primogeniture succession at a time when child mortality rate is very high resulted in the increase of male adoption. In conclusion, the late Chosun society was a society where the seat of primogeniture was much more important than immediate hereditary members in the family succession.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.40 no.6 s.111
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• pp.613-630
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• 2005

In this article, the author inquired the multi-layered sphere of a commoner's settlement of Jangha-ri in modem times to approach the territoriality and socio-spatial characteristics of it. This settlement has originated in a lineage settlement of Jinju-Gang, and has experienced socio-spatial cohesion since its making(the 17th Century). Especially, it is found that the territoriality of Jangha-ri has fluctuated in times and has obtained multi-layeredness according to the human-nature relationship, to the social relationship, and to the political relationship of villagers. As a result, it is interpreted that the socio-spatial characteristics and territoriality of Jangha-ri in modem times do not only have a physical reality, but also social, political, cultural one.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.35
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• pp.255-293
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• 2020

This study examines the God, Jiutian Yingyuan Leisheng Puhua Tianzun (九天應元雷聲普化天尊, 'The Supreme God of the Ninth Heaven, Celestial Worthy of Universal Creation through His Thunderbolt, the Originator with Whom All Beings Resonate' in Daesoon Jinrihoe), in terms of narrative imagination, by investigating the narrative of Wen Zhong (聞仲) in Investiture of the Gods (Fengshenyanyi 封神演義) and the narrative of Kang Jeungsan (姜甑山) in The Canonical Scripture (Jeongyeong 典經). This examination occurs along three dimensions: Firstly, I look into the cultural contexts of the image of the Thunder God (雷神) in Gojoseon (古朝鮮) mythology and the Korean seondo (仙道) tradition both of which are reflected in the narrative of Wen Zhong. At the same time, I also argue that the cultural contexts examined above are able to be found in the narrative of Kang Jeungsan. Secondly, I consider the essential meaning of the concept of "deifying" (封神) in the narrative of Wen Zhong and its connection to "the resolution of grievances" (haewon 解冤) in the narrative of Kang Jeungsan. Thirdly, I consider the traits of embracing heterogeneous things (異類) in the religious group "Jiejiao" (截敎) that Wen Zhong belonged to in relation to the values of "mutual beneficence" (sangsaeng 相生) that Kang Jeungsan pursued. In this study's conclusion, I posit that the "mentalité" of Dong-yi (東夷) culture and tales including Yin (殷) is identifiable in narrative imagination applied to the God, Jiutian Yingyuan Leisheng Puhua Tianzun. This means that the nature of Jiutian Yingyuan Leisheng Puhua Tianzun is closely related to the tradition of Korean seondo and Korean Daoism.