• Title/Summary/Keyword: 조선(朝鮮)

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Recent Research for the Seismic Activities and Crustal Velocity Structure (국내 지진활동 및 지각구조 연구동향)

  • Kim, Sung-Kyun;Jun, Myung-Soon;Jeon, Jeong-Soo
    • Economic and Environmental Geology
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    • v.39 no.4 s.179
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    • pp.369-384
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    • 2006
  • Korean Peninsula, located on the southeastern part of Eurasian plate, belongs to the intraplate region. The characteristics of intraplate earthquake show the low and rare seismicity and the sparse and irregular distribution of epicenters comparing to interplate earthquake. To evaluate the exact seismic activity in intraplate region, long-term seismic data including historical earthquake data should be archived. Fortunately the long-term historical earthquake records about 2,000 years are available in Korea Peninsula. By the analysis of this historical and instrumental earthquake data, seismic activity was very high in 16-18 centuries and is more active at the Yellow sea area than East sea area. Comparing to the high seismic activity of the north-eastern China in 16-18 centuries, it is inferred that seismic activity in two regions shows close relationship. Also general trend of epicenter distribution shows the SE-NW direction. In Korea Peninsula, the first seismic station was installed at Incheon in 1905 and 5 additional seismic stations were installed till 1943. There was no seismic station from 1945 to 1962, but a World Wide Standardized Seismograph was installed at Seoul in 1963. In 1990, Korean Meteorological Adminstration(KMA) had established centralized modem seismic network in real-time, consisted of 12 stations. After that time, many institutes tried to expand their own seismic networks in Korea Peninsula. Now KMA operates 35 velocity-type seismic stations and 75 accelerometers and Korea Institute of Geoscience and Mineral Resources operates 32 and 16 stations, respectively. Korea Institute of Nuclear Safety and Korea Electric Power Research Institute operate 4 and 13 stations, consisted of velocity-type and accelerometer. In and around the Korean Peninsula, 27 intraplate earthquake mechanisms since 1936 were analyzed to understand the regional stress orientation and tectonics. These earthquakes are largest ones in this century and may represent the characteristics of earthquake in this region. Focal mechanism of these earthquakes show predominant strike-slip faulting with small amount of thrust components. The average P-axis is almost horizontal ENE-WSW. In north-eastern China, strike-slip faulting is dominant and nearly horizontal average P-axis in ENE-WSW is very similar with the Korean Peninsula. On the other hand, in the eastern part of East Sea, thrust faulting is dominant and average P-axis is horizontal with ESE-WNW. This indicate that not only the subducting Pacific Plate in east but also the indenting Indian Plate controls earthquake mechanism in the far east of the Eurasian Plate. Crustal velocity model is very important to determine the hypocenters of the local earthquakes. But the crust model in and around Korean Peninsula is not clear till now, because the sufficient seismic data could not accumulated. To solve this problem, reflection and refraction seismic survey and seismic wave analysis method were simultaneously applied to two long cross-section traversing the southern Korean Peninsula since 2002. This survey should be continuously conducted.

Exploration and Development in the Janggun Pb-Zn Mine (장군광산(將軍鑛山)의 탐사(探査)와 개발현황(開發現況))

  • Kho, Suck Jin
    • Economic and Environmental Geology
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    • v.20 no.4
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    • pp.289-303
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    • 1987
  • 당(當) 광산(鑛山)은 1936년(年) 금(金), 은(銀) 광종(鑛種)으로 출원(出願)하였다가 1940년(年) 망간을 추가(追加)하여 망간 광산(鑛山)으로 1975년(年)까지 Mn(30~35%) 110,000여(餘)톤을 생산(生産), 국내생산량(國內生産量)의 70%를 점(占)하였고 1976년(年) Mn광상(鑛床) 하부(下部)에 연(鉛), 아연(亞鉛) 유화광(硫化鑛)을 발견(發見), 현재(現在)까지 Pb十Zn=10% 이상(以上) 원광석(原鑛石) 500,000여(餘)톤을 처리(處理), 연정광(鉛精鑛)(Pb : 62%) 37,000여(餘)톤, 아연정광(亞鉛精鑛)(Zn : 46.5%) 37,000여(餘)톤, 유비광정광(硫砒鑛精鑛)(As : 30%) 5,000여(餘)톤을 생산(生産)하였다. 현재(現在) 일처리(日處理) 220톤 선광장(選鑛場)을 일처리(日處理) 400톤 규모(規模)로 증설계획중(增設計劃中)이다. 당(當) 광산(鑛山)에서 현재(現在)까지 시행(施行)한 갱외시추(坑外試錐)는 75개공(個孔) 18,500여(餘)m, 갱내시추(坑內試錐) 750개공(個孔) 40,000여(餘)m 갱도(坑道) 총연장(總延長) 13,000m에 달(達)하며 지표(地表)(623ML)로 부터 수직(垂直) 300m 하부(下部)까지 갱도(坑道)가 개착(開鑿)되어 있다. 당(當) 광산(鑛山)의 지질(地質)은 여러 조사서(調査書)에 의(依)하여 견해(見解) 차이(差異)를 보여주고 있으나 대체(大體)로 다음과 같은 쪽으로 인정되고 있다. 즉(卽) 본지역(本地域) 루층군(累層群)의 층순(層順)을 하위(下位)로 부터 상위(上位)로 향(向)하여 원남층(遠南層)${\rightarrow}$율리통(栗里統)${\rightarrow}$장산규암층(壯山珪岩層)${\rightarrow}$두음리층(斗音里層)${\rightarrow}$장군석회암층(將軍石灰岩層)${\rightarrow}$동수곡층(東水谷層)${\rightarrow}$재산층(才山層)의 순위(順位)로 보며 장산규암층(壯山珪岩層)과 두음리층(斗音里層)을 조선계(朝鮮系)의 양덕통(陽德統)으로, 장군석회암층(將軍石灰岩層)을 대석회암통(大石灰岩統)으로, 동수곡층(東水谷層)과 함탄층(含炭層)인 재산층(才山層)을 평안계(平安系) 지층(地層)으로 대비(對比)한다. 이들은 본지역(本地域) 북(北)쪽에서는 선(先)캠브리아기(紀)의 원남층(遠南層)과 율리통(栗里統)을 불정합(不整合)으로 덮고 남측(南側)에서는 재산층(才山層)과 원남층(遠南層)이 단층접촉(斷層接觸)하고 있다. 이들 지층(地層)의 주향(走向)은 $N60^{\circ}{\sim}80^{\circ}W$, $N60^{\circ}{\sim}80^{\circ}E$이며 경사(傾斜)는 대체(大體)로 $50^{\circ}{\sim}80^{\circ}N$이며 전체적(全體的)으로 역전(逆轉)된 층서(層序)를 보여주는 바 지질구조(地質構造)에 있어서 단사구조(單斜構造)인지 등사(等斜)습곡의 향사(向斜), 또는 등사(等斜)습곡이 배사구조(背斜構造)인지 아직 밝혀지지 않고 있다. 화성암체(火成岩體)는 본지역(本地域) 서측(西側)에 쥬라기(紀) 춘양화강암(春陽花崗岩)이 불규칙(不規則)한 실입(實入) 접촉면(接觸面)을 보여주며 시대미상(時代未詳)(백악기(白堊紀)?)의 거정화강암(巨晶花崗岩), 반화강암(半花崗岩)이 소암주상(小岩株狀)으로 몇 곳 실입(實入)하고 산성(酸性)~중성(中性)의 맥암(脈岩)과 염기성(鹽基性) 안산암질암(安山岩質岩)이 실입(實入)해 있다. 광상(鑛床)은 장군석회암층(將軍石灰岩層)에 배태(胚胎)되어 있는 열수교대(熱水交代) 연(鉛), 아연(亞鉛), 은등(銀等)의 혼합(混合) 유화광상(硫化鑛床)으로 다량(多量)의 Mn분(分)을 수반(隨伴)하며 지표부(地表部)에 Mn광상(鑛床)을 형성(形成)하고 있다. 광상(鑛床)의 형태(形態)는 괴상(塊狀), 각력(角礫)pipe상(狀), 맥상(脈狀)으로 나타난다. 광상(鑛床)의 성인(成因)과 생성시기(生成時期)에 대(對)하여 많은 논란(論難)이 있다. 즉(卽) 열수교대(熱水交代)냐, 접촉교대(接觸交代)냐, 동시퇴적기원(同時堆積起源)이냐, 또는 생성시기(生成時期)가 쥬라기(紀)인지 백악기(白堊紀)인지에 대해 이론(異論)이 있다. 본지역(本地域) 광상(鑛床)은 남본(南本), 100우(右), 북(北), 유비철(硫砒鐵), 동(東), 서(西), 재남(才南), 재동(才東), 110호(號) 등(等)이 지표(地表) Mn로두광화대(露頭鑛化帶)와 관련(關聯) 명명(命名)된 바 전(前)4자(者)는 하부(下部)에서 유화광상(硫化鑛床)이 확인(確認)되었으나 나머지 후자(後者)에서는 아직 하부(下部)에 유화광상(硫化鑛床)이 확인(確認)되지 않고 있으며 남본광상(南本鑛床)으로 부터 남동(南東) 300여(餘)m 지점에 장군석회암층(將軍石灰岩層)과 동수곡층(東水谷層) 경계부(境界部)에 Fe 55~60% 자철광상(磁鐵鑛床)이 확인(確認)된 바 신례미(新禮美) 자철광상(磁鐵鑛床)과 유사성(類似性)이 있는 것 같아 흥미(興味)롭다. 당(當) 광산(鑛山)의 현재(現在)까지의 탐광(探鑛)은 남본광상(南本鑛床) 지표로두(地表露頭)(Mn) 하부(下部)에서 확인(確認)된 연(鉛), 아연(亞鉛), 은(銀) 유화광체(硫化鑛體) 하부(下部)와 전탐(電探)에 의(依)해 확인(確認)된 북광체(北鑛體), 갱도접근중(坑道接近中)에 확인(確認)된 100우광체(右鑛體), 유비철광체(硫砒鐵鑛體) 등(等)의 하부(下部) 탐광(探鑛)을 주(主)로 하고 지표(地表) Mn로두(露頭) 하부(下部)에 대(對)한 시추탐광(試錐探鑛0을 병행(竝行)하고 있으며 시추(試錐)에 의(依)해서 지표(地表)로 부터 790m 하부(下部)(해발(海拔) 200ML)까지 광화대(鑛化帶)가 확인(確認)되었다. 향후(向後) 탐광방침(探鑛方針)을 확고(確固)히 수립(樹立)하기 위(爲)하여는 광상(鑛床)의 성인구명(成因究明)은 물론(勿論) 광상(鑛床)의 배태조건(胚胎條件)에 있어 지질구조규제(地質構造規制)와 화강암(花崗岩)의 실입상(實入狀)과의 관계(關係), 광액(鑛液)의 통로(通路)에 대(對)한 지질구조(地質構造), 모암(母岩)의 화학(化學) 물리적(物理的) 특성(特性)에 대(對)한 연구(硏究) 검토(檢討)가 었어야 하겠다.

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A Study on the View on Nature in Ch'o-Jung's Three-Verse Poems(Sijo) (초정(艸丁) 김상옥(金相沃) 시조(時調)에 나타난 자연관(自然觀))

  • Choi, Heung-Yeol
    • Sijohaknonchong
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    • v.30
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    • pp.263-300
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    • 2009
  • Adoration for nature constitutes one of the primary subjects that literature has tackled since the origin of human history. Nature expressed through a poet's subjective imagination is the internalized and reorganized nature. This study examines the view on nature enacted in Ch'o-Jung's three-verse poems (sijo) in light of the traditional views on nature implicated in the ancient three-verse poems (koshijo), which is in line with the long-established Oriental view on nature. To dignitaris(sadaebu) in the Chosun Dynasty, nature appeared as the idealistic subject for moral culture ($shims{\breve{o}}ngsuyang$), which also becomes the literary space where the purity and justice of the world view of Neo-Confucianism(Sungrihak) is contained in the form of the three-verse poem, the lyrical poetic space where the "I" is united with nature by way of "enjoying of wind and moon"($umpungnongw{\breve{o}}i$) and "living in quiet retiremen"($yuyuchaj{\breve{o}}k$), and the object for the poetical perception of the surrounding world. Ch'o-Jung' s three-verse odes are found in Reed pipe ($Ch'oj{\breve{o}}k$), Sixty Five Pieces of Three-Verse Odes (Samhaengshi-$yukshipopy{\breve{o}}n$), Autumn Fragrance ($Hyangginam{\check{u}}n-ga{\check{u}}l$), and The Words of Zelko va Tree ($N{\check{u}}tinamu{\check{u}}i-mal$). This study analyzes 212 pieces of Ch'o-Jung' s three-verse poems chosen from theses books. In Ch'o-Jung's poems, the traditional view on nature expressed in the ancient three-verse poems is rendered in such a way that metaphysical understanding of nature is indirectly transmitted through the objective correlatives found nature. Nature is no longer the object of straightforward utterance, but transformed, displaced, and removed: that way, nature gets objectified to form a complicated and multi-layered structure. In conclusion, the view on nature manifested in Ch'o-Jung's three-verse poems is based on traditional metaphysics. Second, nature is the object of lyrical nostalgia and adoration. Third, nature is imbued with the fundamental affection for parents. Fourth, nature is associated with organic life. Fifth, the nature in Ch'o-Jung's poems reveals the beauty of stillness endorsed in Lao-tse's and Chung-tze's philosophy. And last, nature is the agent for self-realization and meditation.

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A study of the Medical System in the Early Chosun-Dynasty (조선시대(朝鮮時代) 전기(前期)의 의료제도(醫療制度)에 대한 연구(硏究))

  • Han, Dae-Hee;Kang, Hyo-Shin
    • Journal of Korean Medical classics
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    • v.9
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    • pp.555-652
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    • 1996
  • Up to the present the scholastic achievements in the history of the medical system have been rather scare despite its importance in the Korean History. Hence, this dissertation attempts to examine the significance of the institute in the Korean History, covering the period from the ancient times through the early Chosun-Dynasty. In the ancient times, the medical practice relied primarily upon human instincts and experiences at the same time, shaman's incantations were widely believed to cure diseases, the workings of evil spirits supposedly. For the period from the Old Chosun through Samhan(巫堂), Chinese refugees brought a long medical knowledge and skills of the continent. New Chinese medicine, traditional practices and incantations were generally used at this time. Medicine and the medical system were arranged by the period of the Three Countries(三國時代). No definite record concerning Koguryo remains now. As for Paekje, however, history shows that they set up the system under the Chinese influence, assigning medical posts such as Euibaksa(medical doctor), Chaeyaksa(pharmacist), and Jukeumsa(medicine man) within Yakbu(department of medicine). Scientifically advanced, they sent experts to Japan, giving a tremendous influence on the development of the science on ancient Japan. After the unification of the three countries, Shilla had their own system after the model of Dang(唐). This system of the Unified Shilla was continued down to Koryo and became the backbone of the future ones. In the ancient time religion and medicine were closely related. The curative function of the shaman was absolute. Buddhism played a notable part in medical practice, too, producing numerous medical monks. The medical system of Koryo followed the model of Dang with some borrowings from Song(宋). Sangyakkuk(尙藥局) was to deal exclusively with the diseases of the monarch whereas Taeeuigam(太醫監) was the central office to handle the national medical administration and the qualification test and education for doctors. In addition, Dongsodaebiwon(東西大悲院), Jewibo(濟危寶), and Hyeminkuk(惠民局) were public hospitals for the people, and a few aristocrats practiced medicine privately. In 987, the 6th year of Songjong(成宗), local medical operations were installed for curing the sick and educating medical students. Later Hyonjong(顯宗), established Yakjom(clinics, 藥店) throughout the country and officials were sent there to see patients. Foreign experts, mainly from Song, were invited frequently to deliver their advanced technology, and contributed to the great progress of the science in Korea. Medical officials were equipped with better land and salary than others, enjoying appropriate social respect. Koryo exchanged doctors, medicine and books mainly with Song, but also had substantial interrelations with Yuan(元), Ming(明), Kitan(契丹), Yojin(女眞), and Japan. Among them, however, Song was most influential to the development of medicine in Koryo. During Koryo Dynasty Buddhism, the national religion at the time, exercised bigger effect on medicine than in any other period. By conducting national ceremonies and public rituals to cure diseases, Taoism also affected the way people regarded illness. Curative shamanism was still in practice as well. These religious practices, however, were now engaged only when medication was already in use or when medicine could not held not help any more. The advanced medical system of Koryo were handed down to Chosun and served the basis for further progress. Hence, then played well the role to connect the ancient medicine and the modern one. The early Chosun followed and systemized the scientific and technical achievement in medicine during the Koryo Dynasty, and furthermore, founded the basis of the future developments. Especially the 70 years approximately from the reign of Sejong(世宗) to that of Songjong(成宗) withnessed a termendous progress in the field with the reestablishment of the medical system. The functions of the three medical institute Naeeuiwon(內醫院), Joneuigam(典醫監), Hyeminkuk(惠民局) were expanded. The second, particualy, not only systemized all the medical practices of the whole nation, but also grew and distributed domestic medicaments which had been continually developed since the late Koryo period. In addition, Hyeminso(惠民局, Hwarinwon(活人院)) and Jesaenwon(濟生院)(later merged to the first) played certain parts in the curing illness. Despite the active medical education in the capital and the country, the results were not substantial, for the aristocracy avoided the profession due to the social prejudice against technicians including medical docotors. During the early Chosun-Dynasty, the science was divided into Chimgueui (acupuncturist), Naryogeui(specialist in scrofula) and Chijongeui (specialist in boil). For the textbooks, those for the qualification exam were used, including several written by the natives. With the introduction on Neoconfucianism(性理學) which reinforced sexual segregation, female doctors appeared for the female patients who refused to be seen by male doctors. This system first appeared in 1406, the sixth year of Taejong(太宗), but finally set up during the reign of Sejong. As slaves to the offices, the lowest class, female doctors drew no respect. However, this is still significant in the aspect of women's participation in society. They were precedents of midwives. Medical officials were selected through the civil exam and a special test. Those who passed exams were given temporary jobs and took permanent posts later. At that time the test score, the work experience and the performance record of the prospective doctor were all taken into consideration, for it was a specialized office. Most doctors were given posts that changed every six months, and therefore had fewer chances for a goverment office than the aristocracy. At the beginning the social status of those in medicine was not that low, but with the prejudice gradully rising among the aristocracy, it became generally agreed to belong to the upper-middle technician class. Dealing with life, however, they received social respect and courtesy from the public. Sometimes they collected wealth with their skills. They kept improving techniques and finally came to take an important share in modernization process during the late Chosun-Dynasty.

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The influence of the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era on the completion of the medicine in the Chosun dynasty (금원사대가의학(金元四大家醫學)이 조선조의학(朝鮮朝醫學) 형성(形成)에 미친 영향(影響))

  • Cheong, Myeon;Hong, Won Sik
    • Journal of Korean Medical classics
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    • v.9
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    • pp.432-552
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    • 1996
  • The influence of the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era(金元代) on the completion of the medicine in the Chosun dynasty(朝鮮朝) can be summarized as follows. 1. The four noted physicians of Geum-Won era were Yoo-Wan-So(劉完素), Jang-Jong-Jung(張從正), Lee-Go(李杲), Ju-Jin-Heung(朱震亨). 2. Yoo-Wan-So(劉完索) made his theory on the basic of Nae-Kyung("內經") and Sane-Han-Lon("傷寒論"), his idea of medicine was characterized in his books, for exemple, application of O-Oon-Yuk-Ki(五運六氣), Ju-Wha theory(主火論) and hang-hae-seng-je theory(亢害承制論). from his theory and method of study, many deviations of oriental medicine occurred. He made an effort for study of Nae-Kyung, which had been depressed for many years, on the contrary of the way old study that Nae-Kyung had been only explained or revised, he applied the theory of Nae-Kyung to clinical care. The theory of Yuk-Gi-Byung-Gi(六氣病機) and On-Yeul-Byung(溫熱病) had much influenced on his students and posterities, not to mention Jang-Ja-Wha and Ju-Jin-Heung, who were among the four noted physicians therefore he became the father of Yuk-Gi(六氣) and On-Yeul(溫熱) schools. 3. Jang-Jong-Jung(張從正) emulated Yoo-Wan-So as a model, and followed his Yuk-Gi-Chi-Byung(六氣致病) theory, but he insisted on the use of the chiaphoretic, the emetic and the paregoric to get rid of the causes, specially he insisted on the use of the paregoric, so they called him Gong-Ha-Pa(攻下派). He insisted on the theory that if we would strenthen ourselves we should use food, id get rid of cause, should use the paregoric, emetic and diaphoretic. Jang-Jong-Jung'S Gang-Sim-Wha(降心火) theory, which he improved Yoo-Wan-So's Han-Ryang(寒凉) theory influenced to originate Ju-Jin-Heung'S Ja-Eum-Gang-Wha(滋陰降火) theory. 4. Lee-Go(李杲) insisted on the theory that Bi-Wi(脾胃) played a loading role in the physiological function and pathological change, and that the internal disease was originated by the need of Gi(氣) came from the disorder of digestive organs, and that the causes of internal disease were the irregular meal, the overwork, and mental shock. Lee-Go made an effort for study about the struggle of Jung-Sa(正邪) and in the theory of the prescription he asserted the method of Seung-Yang-Bo-Gi(升陽補氣), but he also used the method of Go-Han-Gang-Wha(苦寒降火). 5. The authors of Eui-Hak-Jung-Jun("醫學正傳"), Eui-Hak-Ib-Moon("醫學入門"), and Man-Byung-Whoi-Choon("萬病回春") analyzed the medical theory of the four noted physicians and added their own experiences. They helped organizing existing complicated theories of the four noted physicians imported in our country, and affected the formation of medical science in the Choson dynasty largely. Eui-Hak-Jung-Jun("醫學正傳") was written by Woo-Dan(虞槫), in this book, he quoted the theories of Yoo-Wan-So, Jang-Jong-Jung, Lee-Go, Ju-Jin-Heung, especially, Ju-Jin-Heung was respected by him, it affected the writing of Eui-Lim-Choal-Yo("醫林撮要"). Eui-Hak-ib-Moon("醫學入門"), written by Lee-Chun(李杲), followed the medical science of Lee-Go and ju-jin-heung from the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era. Its characteristics of Taoism, idea of caring of health, and organization affected Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham("東醫寶鑑"). Gong-Jung-Hyun(龔延賢) wrote Man-Byung-Whoi-Choon("萬病回春") using the best part of the theories of Yoo-Wan-So, Jang-Jong-Jung, Lee-Go, Ju-Jin-Heung, this book affected Dong-Eui-Soo-Se-Bo-Won("東醫壽世保元") partly. 6. our medical science was developed from the experience of the treatment of disease obtained from human life, these medical knowledge was arranged and organized in Hyang-Yak-Jib-Sung-Bang("鄕藥集成方"), medical books imported from China was organized in Eui-Bang-Yoo-Chwi("醫方類聚"), which formed the base of medical development in the Chosun dynasty. 7. Eui-Lim-Choal-Yo("醫林撮要") was written by Jung-Kyung-Sun(鄭敬先) and revised by Yang-Yui-Soo(楊禮壽). It was written on the base of Woo-Dan's Eui-Jung-Jun, which compiled the medical science of the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era. It contained confusing theories of the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era and organized medical books of Myung era, therefore it completed the basic form of Byun-Geung-Non-Chi (辨證論治) influenced the writing of Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham("東醫寶鑑"). 8. Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham("東醫寶鑑") was written on the base of basic theory of Eum-Yang-O-Haeng(陰陽五行) and the theory of respondence of heaven and man(天人相應說) in Nae-Kyung. It contained several theories and knowledge, such as the theory of Essence(精), vitalforce(氣), and spirit(神) of Taoism, medical science of geum-won era, our original medical knowledge and experience. It had established the basic organization of our medical science and completed the Byun-Geung-Non-Chi (辨證論治). Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham developed medical science from simple medical treatment to protective medical science by caring of health. And it also discussed human cultivation and Huh-Joon's(許浚) own view of human life through the book. Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham adopted most part of Lee-Go(李杲) and Ju-Jin-Heung's(朱震亨) theory and new theory of "The kidney is the basis of apriority. The spleen is the basis of posterior", so it emphasized the role of spleen and kidney(脾腎) for Jang-Boo-Byung-Gi(臟腑病機). It contained Ju-Jin-Heung's theory of the cause and treatment of disease by colour or fatness of man(black or white, fat or thin). It also contained Ju-Jin-Heung's theory of "phlegm break out fever, fever break out palsy"(痰生熱 熱生風) and the theory of Sang-Wha(相火論). Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham contained Lee-Go's theory of Wha-Yu-Won-Bool-Yang-Lib (火與元氣不兩立論) quoted the theory of Bi-Wi(脾胃論) and the theory of Nae-Oi-Sang-Byun(內外傷辨). For the use of medicine, it followed the theory by Lee-Go. lt used Yoo-Wan-So'S theory of Oh-Gi-Kwa-Keug-Gae-Wi-Yul-Byung(五志過極皆爲熱病) for the treatment of hurt-spirit(傷神) because fever was considered as the cause of disease. It also used Jang-Jons-Jung's theory of Saeng-Keug-Je-Seung(生克制勝) for the treatment of mental disease. 9. Lee-je-ma's Dong-Eui-Soo-Se-Bo-Won("東醫壽世保元") adopted medical theories of Song-Won-Myung era and analyzed these theories using the physical constitutional theory of Sa-Sang-In(四象人). It added Dong-Mu's main idea to complete the theory and clinics of Sa-Sang-Eui-Hak(四象醫學). Lee-Je-Ma didn't quote the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era to discuss that the physical constitutional theory of disease and medicine from Tae-Eum-In(太陰人), So-Yang-In(少陽人), So-Eum-In(少陰人), and Tae-Yang-In(太陽人) was invented from their theories.

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The Abuse and Invention of Tradition from Maintenance Process of Historic Site No.135 Buyeo Gungnamji Pond (사적 제135호 부여 궁남지의 정비과정으로 살펴본 전통의 남용과 발명)

  • Jung, Woo-Jin
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.35 no.2
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    • pp.26-44
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    • 2017
  • Regarded as Korea's traditional pond, Gungnamj Pond was surmised to be "Gungnamji" due to its geological positioning in the south of Hwajisan (花枝山) and relics of the Gwanbuk-ri (官北里) suspected of being components to the historical records of Muwang (武王)'s pond of The Chronicles of the Three States [三國史記] and Sabi Palace, respectively, yet was subjected to a restoration following a designation to national historic site. This study is focused on the distortion of authenticity identified in the course of the "Gungnamji Pond" restoration and the invention of tradition, whose summarized conclusions are as follows. 1. Once called Maraebangjuk (마래방죽), or Macheonji (馬川池) Pond, Gungnamji Pond was existent in the form of a low-level swamp of vast area encompassing 30,000 pyeong during the Japanese colonial period. Hong, Sa-jun, who played a leading role in the restoration of "Gungnamji Pond," said that even during the 1940s, the remains of the island and stone facilities suspected of being the relics of Gungnamji Pond of the Baekje period were found, and that the traces of forming a royal palace and garden were discovered on top of them. Hong, Sa-jun also expressed an opinion of establishing a parallel between "Gungnamji Pond" and "Maraebangjuk" in connection with a 'tale of Seodong [薯童說話]' in the aftermath of the detached palace of Hwajisan, which ultimately operated as a theoretical ground for the restoration of Gungnamj Pond. Assessing through Hong, Sa-jun's sketch, the form and scale of Maraebangjuk were visible, of which the form was in close proximity to that photographed during the Japanese colonial period. 2. The minimized restoration of Gungnamji Pond faced deterrence for the land redevelopment project implemented in the 1960s, and the remainder of the land size is an attestment. The fundamental problem manifest in the restoration of Gungnamji Pond numerously attempted from 1964 through 1967 was the failure of basing the restorative work in the archaeological facts yet in the perspective of the latest generations, ultimately yielding a replication of Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. More specifically, the methodologies employed in setting an island and a pavilion within a pond, or bridging an island with a land evidenced as to how Gungnamji Pond was modeled after Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. Furthermore, Chihyanggyo (醉香橋) Bridge referenced in the designing of the bridge was hardly conceived as a form indigenous to the Joseon Dynasty, whose motivation and idea of the misguided restoration design at the time all the more devaluated Gungnamji Pond. Such an utterly pure replication of the design widely known as an ingredient for the traditional landscape was purposive towards the aesthetic symbolism and preference retained by Gyeongbok Palace, which was intended to entitle Gungnamji Pond to a physical status of the value in par with that of Gyeongbok Palace. 3. For its detachment to the authenticity as a historical site since its origin, Gungnamji Pond represented distortions of the landscape beauty and tradition even through the restorative process. The restorative process for such a historical monument, devoid of constructive use and certain of distortion, maintains extreme intimacy with the nationalistic cultural policy promoted by the Park, Jeong-hee regime through the 1960s and 1970s. In the context of the "manipulated discussions of tradition," the Park's cultural policy transformed the citizens' recollection into an idealized form of the past, further magnifying it at best. Consequently, many of the historical sites emerged as fancy and grand as they possibly could beyond their status quo across the nation, and "Gungnamji Pond" was a victim to this monopolistic government-led cultural policy incrementally sweeping away with new buildings and structures instituted regardless of their original space, and hence, their value.

A Study on Industries's Leading at the Stock Market in Korea - Gradual Diffusion of Information and Cross-Asset Return Predictability- (산업의 주식시장 선행성에 관한 실증분석 - 자산간 수익률 예측 가능성 -)

  • Kim Jong-Kwon
    • Proceedings of the Safety Management and Science Conference
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    • 2004.11a
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    • pp.355-380
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    • 2004
  • I test the hypothesis that the gradual diffusion of information across asset markets leads to cross-asset return predictability in Korea. Using thirty-six industry portfolios and the broad market index as our test assets, I establish several key results. First, a number of industries such as semiconductor, electronics, metal, and petroleum lead the stock market by up to one month. In contrast, the market, which is widely followed, only leads a few industries. Importantly, an industry's ability to lead the market is correlated with its propensity to forecast various indicators of economic activity such as industrial production growth. Consistent with our hypothesis, these findings indicate that the market reacts with a delay to information in industry returns about its fundamentals because information diffuses only gradually across asset markets. Traditional theories of asset pricing assume that investors have unlimited information-processing capacity. However, this assumption does not hold for many traders, even the most sophisticated ones. Many economists recognize that investors are better characterized as being only boundedly rational(see Shiller(2000), Sims(2201)). Even from casual observation, few traders can pay attention to all sources of information much less understand their impact on the prices of assets that they trade. Indeed, a large literature in psychology documents the extent to which even attention is a precious cognitive resource(see, eg., Kahneman(1973), Nisbett and Ross(1980), Fiske and Taylor(1991)). A number of papers have explored the implications of limited information- processing capacity for asset prices. I will review this literature in Section II. For instance, Merton(1987) develops a static model of multiple stocks in which investors only have information about a limited number of stocks and only trade those that they have information about. Related models of limited market participation include brennan(1975) and Allen and Gale(1994). As a result, stocks that are less recognized by investors have a smaller investor base(neglected stocks) and trade at a greater discount because of limited risk sharing. More recently, Hong and Stein(1999) develop a dynamic model of a single asset in which information gradually diffuses across the investment public and investors are unable to perform the rational expectations trick of extracting information from prices. Hong and Stein(1999). My hypothesis is that the gradual diffusion of information across asset markets leads to cross-asset return predictability. This hypothesis relies on two key assumptions. The first is that valuable information that originates in one asset reaches investors in other markets only with a lag, i.e. news travels slowly across markets. The second assumption is that because of limited information-processing capacity, many (though not necessarily all) investors may not pay attention or be able to extract the information from the asset prices of markets that they do not participate in. These two assumptions taken together leads to cross-asset return predictability. My hypothesis would appear to be a very plausible one for a few reasons. To begin with, as pointed out by Merton(1987) and the subsequent literature on segmented markets and limited market participation, few investors trade all assets. Put another way, limited participation is a pervasive feature of financial markets. Indeed, even among equity money managers, there is specialization along industries such as sector or market timing funds. Some reasons for this limited market participation include tax, regulatory or liquidity constraints. More plausibly, investors have to specialize because they have their hands full trying to understand the markets that they do participate in

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Comparision of Chest Radiographs and Pulmonary Function in Coal Workers' Pneumoconiosis and Welders' Lung (탄광부 진폐증과 용접공 폐증에 있어 흉부-X선 소견과 폐기능의 비교)

  • Park, Dong-Youl;Hwang, Joo-Ho;Kang, Byung-Son;Chung, Chan-Su;Kim, Wha-Jo
    • Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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    • v.42 no.5
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    • pp.713-722
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    • 1995
  • Background: Chest X-ray of coal workers' pneumoconiosis and shipyard welders' lung show similar and regular opacities mostly, it is very difficult that we distinguish the former from the latter by only chest X-ray. so we performed this study to understand the progression of the disease and to provide the disease by considering pulmonary function and other factors in proportion to the profusion of small regular opacities of chest X-ray in both groups. Method: 430 coal workers' pneumoconiosis were compared with 311 shipyard welders' lung by the number, the age, the duration of dust exposure, %vital capacity(%VC), %FEV1.0, the type of ventilatory impairment, the combined pulmonary disease according to the profusion of small regular opacities on the chest radiographs, which were classified into category 0/1, category 1, and category 2. Result: 1) the percent of category 2 in coal workers' pneumoconiosis was 54.4%. the percent of category 1, and category 2 in welders' lung were 60.0%, 7.4%. the progression to the category 2 was higher in coal workers' pneumoconiosis than in welders' lung 2) The mean age was higher in coal workers' pneumoconiosis than in welders' lung, significantly increased in proportion to the progresion of profusion of small regular opacities in both groups 3) There was no difference in the duration of dust exposure by category 1/0, but the duration of dust exposure by category 1, 2 in coal workers' pneumoconiosis more significantly increased than in welders' lung. the duration in the proportion of category 2 to category 0/1, 1 significantly increased in the proportion to small regular opacities in coal workers' pneumoconiosis. but there was no significant difference in the proportion to small regular opacities in duration of dust exposure in welders' lung. 4) There was no significant difference of mean values of %VC(%vital capacity)in both groups except for category 1. the mean values of %VC had no relationship between the progression of small regular opacities in both groups. 5) The mean values of %FEV1.0 decreased more significantly in coal workers' pneumoconiosis than in welders' lung except for category 0/1. and decreased significantly in proportion to the profusion of small regular opacities in coal workers' pneumoconiosis. there was significant difference of %FEV1.0 in the proportion of category 2 to category 011 in welders' lung. 6) there were no significant difference of %FEV1.0, %VC in smoker and nonsmoker in both groups. 7) With regard to the type of ventilation in both groups in coal workers' pneumoconiosis 21.4 percent of patients belonged to the restrictive type, 11.6 percent to the obstructive type, 5.6 percent to the combined type, but in welders' lung 21.8 percent to the restrictive type, 2.9 percent to the obstructive type, 1.9 percent to the combined type. 8. in the pulmonary disease, the incidence of the pulmonary tuberculosis was the most in both groups, was more in coal workers' pneumoconiosis than welders' lung Conclusion: If we compare coal workers' pneumoconiosis with electric arc welders'lung by considering pulmonary function and other factors in proportion to the profusion of chest X-ray, I think that we will have the better result in understanding the progression of the disease and provision of the disease in both groups.

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A Study on the Space Formation and Garden Characteristics of Garden Remains, Gao-Byeoleop for Restoration Design (가오별업(嘉梧別業)의 복원 설계를 위한 공간구성 및 정원 특성에 관한 연구)

  • Rho, Jae-Hyun;Kim, Soon-Ki
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.36 no.3
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    • pp.58-74
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    • 2018
  • This study aims to propose baseline data for designing restoration of Gaobyulup, researching space formation and characteristics of gardens of Gaobyulup, which located in the foot of Cheonmasan Mountain in Namyangju. Gaobyulup is a remain in retirement of Gyulsan Yu-Won Lee, a representative politician, administrator, and tea drinker in late Joseon Dynasty. The results of the research about the shape of Gaobyulup deducted through reference review, poetry and prose analysis, an on-the-spot survey and residents' interview are below: Lee, who used pseudonym as 'Gyulsan,' which menas Jongnamsan Mountain, yearned Mangcheonbyeoreop(輞川別業) by Yu Wang and retirement with a country house operation by Seogye Sedang Park. In the persuit of this ideal, he created and operated a country house in Gaogok of Yangju, which a family burial ground was located. Gaobyulup, which located in Gaogok in the lower part of Cheonmasan Mountain, was largely composed outer and inner gardens, and the area of house operation was started from a stone post of Gaobokji The inner garden of Gaobyulup was including major garden components like buildings, such as Sasihyanggwan, Obaekganjung, Imharyoe and Toesadam, and Chaewon near Haengrangchae, and Gwawon in an backyard. In addition, Younggwijung pavilion, which located 850m away from Gaobyulup, was the another country house inside the Byulup, thus Gaobyulup shows a duplex space formation. In the inner garden of Gaobyulup, there are Sasihyanggwan, which had functions of Sarangchae as library and depository of old paintings and calligraphic works, and Obaekganjung, a small Sarangchae which connected with Sasihyanggwan in the form of a transept. Yusanggoksuger located near Obaekganjung. Additionally, Imharyeo, a library with a tablet of Byeokryowon(??園), which located in the highest point in Byulup, has the functions of a reading room and a tea house. Many Taihu stones were located not only in Toesadam, a square-formed pond with lotus but also many places in the inner gardens. And rare garden plants were planted. These were closely related to the trend of horticulture for pleasure, wealth, and collecting old paintings and calligraphic works for pleasure of Lee. Meanwhile, the area of Younggwijung pavilion, located in Gaocheon stream fall from Byulup to Manhoiam, looks like Wooampok, a enjoying place of other personages, who use their pseudonym as "Oksan" or "Wooam" Lee identifies Wooampok as "Jesampok" and carved 'Gyulsan' s he declared this place is his operating area. Lee built Younggwijung pavilion and planted many peach trees for recreation of utopia. The stone letters of Byukpadongcheon, located in front of a bridge in the foreside of Younggwijung pavilion, seems another enchanted land created in Gaobokji inside. Lee carved Jeilsan in huge rock on the falls rear Manhoiam temple, which Lee did great role of foundation of the temple, so he identifies that this place was the end of the outer garden of Gaobyulup. This study tries to estimate traces of the country house in Gaogok through reference review and on-th-spot survey, and the results from this study are presumed based on site remains only conformed today. It needs to discover second scenary or stone carved letters between Jeilsan and Jesampok. Additionally, exact formation characteristics of Gaobyulup should be identified through excavation survey later. To do so, an interest and a major role of Namyangju-si must be equipped for future restoration of Gaobyulup.

A Study on the Yousang-Dae Goksuro(Curve-Waterway) in Gangneung, Yungok-Myun, Yoodung Ri (강릉 연곡면 유등리 '유상대(流觴臺)' 곡수로(曲水路)의 조명(照明))

  • Rho, Jae-Hyun;Shin, Sang-Sup;Lee, Jung-Han;Huh, Jun;Park, Joo-Sung
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.30 no.1
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    • pp.14-21
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    • 2012
  • The object of the study, Yousang-Dae(流觴臺) and engraved Go broad text on the flat rock in Gangneung-si Yungok-myun Yoodung-ri Baemgol, reveals that the place was for appreciating arts like Yusang Goksu and Taoist hermit's games. three times of detail reconnaissance survey brought about the results as follows. There is a the text, Manwolsan(滿月山) Baegundongcheon(白雲洞天), engraved on the rock in Baegunsa(白雲寺) that had been built by Doun at the first year of King Hungang(in 875) of the United Shilla, became in ruins in the middle of Joseon, and then was rebuilt in 1954. The text is an invaluable evidence indicating that the tradition of Taoist hermit and Sunbee(classical scholars) culture has been generated in Baemgol Valley. According to the 2nd vol. of Donghoseungram(東湖勝覽), the chronicle of Gangneung published by Choi Baeksoon in 1934, there is a record saying that 'Baegunsa in Namjeonhyeon is the classroom where famous teachers like Yulgok Lee Yi or Seongje Choi Ok were teaching' that verifies the historic property of the place. In addition, the management of Nujeong(樓亭) and Dongcheon can be traced through Baegunjeong(白雲亭) constructed by Kim Yoonkyung(金潤卿) in Muo year, the 9th year of Cheoljong(1858) according to Donghoseungram and the completed version of Jeungboyimyoungji(增補臨瀛誌). Also, Baegundongdongcheon(白雲亭洞天), the text engraved on the standing stone across the stream from Yousang-Dae stone, was created 3 years after the Baegunjeong construction in the 12th year of Cheoljong(1861), which refers a symbolic sign closely related with Yousang-Dae. Based on this premise and circumstance, with careful studying the remains of 'Yusang-dae' Goksuro, we discovered that the Sebun-seok(細分石) controling the amount and the speed of moving water and the remains of furrows of Keumbae-soek(擒盃石) and Yubae-gong(留盃孔) containing water stream with cups through the mountain stream and rocks around Yusang-Dae. In addition, as 21 people's names engraved under the statement of 'Oh-Seong(午星)' were discovered on the bottom of the rock, this clearly confirms that the place was one of the main cultural footholds of tasting the arts which have characteristics of Yu-Sang-Gok-Su-Yeon(流觴曲水宴) until the middle of the 20th century. It implies that the arts tasting culture of Sunbees had been inherited centering on Yusang-dae in this particular place until the middle of the 20th century. It is necessary to be studied in depth because the place is a historic and unique cultural place where 'Confucianism, Buddhism, and Zen'were combined together. Based on the result of the study, the identification of 23 people as well as the writer of Yusang-Dae text should be carefully studied in depth in terms of the characteristics of the place through gathering data about appreciation of arts like Yusanggoksu. Likewise, we should make efforts to discover the chess board engraved on the rock described on the documents, thus we should consider to establish plans to recover the original shape of the place, for example, breaking the cement pavement of the road, additional excavation, changing the existing route, and so fourth.